Historical Grammar of Old Kannada (Based entirely on the Kannada inscriptions of the 8th, 9th and 10th centuries A.D.). Dissertation Series, no. 1.
by Ramanujapuram Narasimhacharya – 1990 – Religion – 337 pages
The influence of Kannada in ancient times in what .is now known as the Telugu country is evidenced by the Kannada titles applied in old Telugu inscriptions …http://books.google.com/books?id=yhXRDSgBuL0C&pg=PA46&lpg=PA46&dq=kannada+inscriptions&source=web&ots=u1yQmgY2sU&sig=CJ1ieYA4PVS4v-2Wrd6kbyDMb2Y#PPA47,M1
With the ending of the Gupta
Dynasty in northern India in the early sixth century, major
changes began taking place in the Deccan south of the Vindyas and
in the southern regions of India. These changes were not only
political but also linguistic and cultural. The royal courts of
peninsular India (outside of Tamilakam)
interfaced between the increasing use of the local Kannada language
and the expanding Sanskritic culture. Inscriptions, including those
that were bilingual, demonstrate the use of Kannada as the primary
administrative language in conjunction with Sanskrit.  
Government archives used Kannada for recording pragmatic
information relating to grants of land.  The local language
formed the desi (popular) literature while literature in
Sanskrit was more marga (formal). Educational institutions
and places of higher learning (ghatikas) taught in
Sanskrit, the language of the learned Brahmins, while Kannada
increasingly became the speech of personal expression of devotional
closeness of a worshipper to a private deity. The patronage Kannada
received from rich and literate Jains eventually led to its use in
the devotional movements of
later centuries. 
Contemporaneous literature and inscriptions show that Kannada
was not only popular in the modern Karnataka region but the
linguistic change had spread further north into present day
southern Maharashtra and to the northern Deccan by the eighth
century.  Kavirajamarga, the work on poetics, refers to the
entire region between the Kaveri River and the Godavari River as
“Kannada country”.    Higher education in
Sanskrit included the subjects of Veda,
Vyakarana (grammar), Jyotisha (astronomy and
astrology), Sahitya (literature), Mimansa
(Exegesis), Dharmashastra (law), Puranas
(ritual), and Nyaya (logic). An examination of
inscriptions from this period shows that the Kavya (classical) style of writing was
popular. The awareness of the merits and defects in inscriptions by
the archivists indicates that even they, though mediocre poets, had
studied standard classical literature in Sanskrit.  An
inscription in Kannada by King Krishna
III, written in a poetic Kanda metre, has been found as far
away as Jabalpur in modern Madhya Pradesh.  Kavirajamarga, a work
on poetics in Kannada by Amoghavarsha I, shows that the study of
poetry was popular in the Deccan during this time. Trivikrama’s
Sanskrit writing, Nalachampu, is perhaps the earliest in
the champu style from the Deccan. 
9th century old Kannada inscription at
Navalinga temple in Kuknur, Karnataka
9th century old Kannada inscription at
Navalinga temple in Kuknur, Karnataka
Raichur is very rich from the epigraphical point of view also. It has already yielded hundreds of inscriptions, ranging right from the Mauryan period upto the end of the Muslim period, in a variety of languages like Sanskrit, Prakrit, Kannada, Arabic and Persian and belonging to almost all the dynasties that ruled over the Dekkan. The most important places from this point of view are Maski, Koppal, Kuknur, Mudgal and Raichur.
The District of Raichur was a part of the Hyderabad State till the re-organisation of State on 1st November 1956. The recorded history of the district is traced to as far back as the third century B.C. The fact that three minor rock edicts of Ashoka are found in this district one at Maski in the Lingasugur taluk and the other two near Koppal, prove that this area was included in the dominions of the great Mauryan king Ashoka (273 – 236 B.C.). At that time, this region was under the governance of the Viceroy or Mahamatra of Ashoka. Early in the Christian era, the district appears to have been a part of the kingdom of the Satavahanas. The Vakatakas, who reigned during the 3rd and 4th centuries A.D., seem to have held sway over Raichur for sometime, after which it appears to have been included in the Kadamba dominions. The next dynasty of importance, which ruled over this region, was that of the Chalukyas of Badami. According to an inscription from Aihole, Pulikeshi-II having defeated the Pallavas, occupied this area and made it a province in his empire under the governance of his son Adityavarma. Later the whole of the present Raichur district was included in the dominions of the Rashtrakutas, who rose to power in the eighth century, as could be gathered from the inscriptions of that period found in this district. According to an inscription from Manvi taluk, one Jagattunga, a subordinate ruler under the Rashtrakuta king Krishna-II, was ruling the province of Adedore Eradusavirapranta, i.e., the area constituting the present Raichur district. Nripatunga, a Rashtrakuta king, has described Koppal in his Kannada work, Kavirajamarga, as the great Kopananagara.
Numerous inscriptions of the Chalukyas of Kalyana, found in the various parts of the district, testify to the fact that this region was under their sway for a considerable length of time between the 10th and 12th centuries A.D. It is learnt from an inscription found at Naoli in Lingsugur taluk that during the reign of Chalukya Vikramaditya-V, the Adedore-pranta, i.e., the Raichur region, was being ruled by his younger brother Jagadekamalla-I. Another inscription from Maski describes the place as a capital and makes a reference to the reign of Jayasimha. There were, however, frequent wars between the Chola kings of the south and the Chalukyan kings of Kalyana for supremacy over the Raichur region and the territory had passed into the hands of the cholas for a brief period. The Haihayas and Sindas also seem to have ruled some parts of this region for sometime. Later, after the fall of the Chalukyas, Raichur passed into the hands of the Kalachuri kings. Then came the Kakatiyas in the 13th century. From an inscription on the fort-wall of Raichur, referred to earlier, it is learn that the original fort was built by one Gore Gangayya Reddy, a general of the Kakatiya queen Rudramma Devi of Warangal, in 1294 A.D., at the instance of the latter.
The district of Raichur has a hoary past. It has had an eventful & rich beginning from the days of the Mauryan King Ashoka. A number of inscriptions, rocks edicts & other records, temples, forts & battlefields bear testimony to this fact. Lying between two important Kingdoms. In the recent past, it was a part, it was a part of the princely State of Hyderabad, and since the 1st November 1956, it is a constituent district of the Mysore State.
Origin of the name of RAICHUR
The district derives its name from its headquarters town Raichur (origin of name Rayachooru in Kannada), as do most of the other districts also in the State. Though many of the villagers round about still call the place by the earlier from of the name which is Rayachooru, however, in modern times, it has come to be generally written and pronounced in Kannada as Rayachooru. The name of this place which is of considerable antiquity, can be traced back to the Twelfth Century at least. As Dr. P.B. Desai has pointed out the Raichur fortress was one of the fortresses conquered by the Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana. This is evident from at least Three of the Hoysala inscriptions in Kannada. In the earliest of these three inscriptions which was found at Hulkera in Belur taluk of Hassan district (numbered Belur 193 in Epigraphyia Carnatica, Vol V, PartI, 1902) and which belong to the year 1161 A.D. and the region of Hoysala Narasimha I, mention is made of the Perddore (the Krishna river) as the northern boundary of Vishnuvardhana’s Kingdom and the Rachavoor as one of the places conquered by Vishnuvardhana while still a youth.
The second of these inscriptions which was discovered at Hatana in Nagamamgala taluk of the present Manday district Numbered Nagamangala 70 in Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol IV-Part II,1898) and which is dated 1178 A.D. when Hoysala Vira-Ballala II was ruling, refers to Permmana (ie., Permma+na) Rachavoor as one of the numerous forts which Vishnuvardhana captured with a frown . This lithic record indicates that the place was known at the time as Permma’s Rachavoor, this Permma being probably a local chieftain, the third of these inscriptions, which is from Hirehalli in Belur taluk of Hassan district (numbered Belur 137 in Epigraphia carnatica, Vol. V-part I, 1902) and which is dated 1183 A.D. and is also the reign of Hoysals Vira-Ballala II enumerates Rachavoor as one of the places which Vishnuvardhana captured by the might of his arm.
From the context of enumeration of places in these inscriptions and other account of exploits of Vishnuvardhana, it becomes clear that the place referred to above as Rachavoor or Rachanoor is Raichur of the present days. Racha being derived from Raja (i.e., King) and oor meaning a place of town. Rachavoor (Racha + oor) or Rachanoor (Racha+na+oor) means in Kannada King’s place showing that it was already an important town in Kannada country. By 1294 A.D., Permmana Rachavoor or Rachanoor had been shortened into Rachoor or Rachooru as is clear from a Kakatiya inscription of that year found on the fort-wall of Raichur itself. That this form of the name for the place continued during the Vijayanagara times, at least upto 1541 A.D., is known from two Kannada inscriptions of that year found at Alampur (now in Mahaboobnagar district of Andhra Pradesh ) which says that the king Krishnadevaraya captured Rachoor by his expendition in the north. Thus it is obvious that this historical Rachoor or Rachooru underwent a further slight change in recent times with the addition of ya between Ra and cha to become the present Rayachooru (Ra+ya+cha+oor) . The ya here might be the second letter of the word Raya meaning again king. In Hindi and Urdu the equivalent of Raya being Rai, it seems to have become the practice to spell the name as Raichur in Urdu, later bringing that usage into vogue in English as well.
It is narrated that a chieftain on witnessing a strange spectacle of a rabbit turning on a dog that pursued him and tearing the latter (dog) to pieces at this spot, thought that the scene of this heroic and unusual action was a fit place for building a fort and accordingly constructed a formidable fort and named the place as Naichur which, in Kannada, connotes the idea of the dog being torn to pieces. The present name, Raichur, is said to be have derived from that Naichur. But this kind of the story is repeated in respect of many forts. It is also said that Rai meaning stone in Telugu, with ooru (town), gave rise to Rajooru, that is, a town of stones (because of rocks in the vicinity) which becomes Rayachooru or Raichooru. These and such other stories can be said to be only conjectures, in view of the clear historical evidence about the name already explained. It appears that Raichur had been once renamed Ferozenagar by a Bahmani Sulthan, but the appellation did not stick on to it and it continued to be called by the old name only.
Literary & Cultural Activities
Raichur district has rich cultural traditions and has been playing an important role in the field of literary activities since early times. The temples and mathas were centers of cultural, literary and social activities. A galaxy of eminent personalities, who shone in the cultural field, hailed from this district. Rulers of powerful kingdoms like those of the Chalukyas and Rashtrakutas, of Viajayanagara and of the Bahmanis and Adil Shahs, which arose in the vicinity of the district, were great patrons of arts and letters. There were independent Bhakti movements pioneered by Sharanas and Haridasas who were dedicated souls and many of whom have left a deep impress on the literature and culture of the Kannada country.
In the 11th century, nearly a 100 years before the time of Sri Basaveshvara, Naoli, in Lingsugur taluk, was known for two reputed vachanakaras, namely, Shankara Dasimayya and Dhakkeya Marayya. They were the beginners of the vachana style which produced, in the following centuries, a unique treasure of Kannada literature. In the 12th century, Ayadakki Marayya of Amareshwara in Lingsugur taluk, his wife Ayadakki Lakkamma, and Bibbi Bacharasa of Gabbur made a notable mark as vachanakaras. In the 16th century, Lingannacharya of Kallur wrote Vararamya-Ratnakara in Bhamini-shatpadi metre.
During the times of the Vijayanagara kings, the mathas were re-organised, and during the reigns especially of Proudha Devaraya and Krishnadeva Raya, cultivation of arts and letters received a great impetus. The great Haridasa tradition was propagated in Raichur district by several eminent saints like Vijayadasa, Gopaladasa and Jagannathadasa in the 17th and 18th centuries.
Vijayadasa was born in 1687 A.D., at Chikalparvi in Manvi taluk in very humble circumstances. At an early age, he went to Varanasi for education. It is said to have composed 25,000 songs, the largest number of Kannada songs, ranking second after Purandaradasa in that respect. Gopaladasa, born in 1717 A.D., at Masarkal of Deodurg taluk, was a disciple of Vijayadasa. Gopaladasa is well known for his songs, which are full of devotion. There is hardly a topic, which he has not dealt with concerning mysticism. Jagannathadasa was born in 1727 A.D., in a family of Kukarnis (village accountants) at Biagwat, a village in Manvi taluk. He was called Jagannatha Vitthala by Gopaladasa. He was an eminent scholar of Sanskrit and a proficient writer in Kannada. He composed a number of devotional songs and wrote a learned treatise called Harikathamritasara. He was admired by Purnaiya, the great Dewan of Mysore.
Manohar Vitthala of Buddinni in Manvi taluk, earlier called as Buddinni Desai Narayanappa, was a disciple of Sri Gopaladasa. He lived about 175 years back. He wrote Raghavendraguru Stotra, Manmathavilasa, Sri Krishna Jayantikatha, Gadayuddha, Sankocha Bharata, Anantakathe and other works.
Vasudeva Vitthala, whose earlier name was Venkataramacharya and later known as Paramahamsa Vyasattvagna, was a famous saint of the 18th century (1705-1801 A.D.) He was a great devotee of Sri Raghavendraswamy of Mantryalaya. He is said to have performed many miracles. He was proficient both in Sanskrit and Kannada. He wrote 13 works in Sanskrit, of which his treatises on Manasasmriti and Upasanabhaga and his comments on the seventh canto of Bhagavata are well known. In Kannada, he wrote ten ugabhogas, sixteen suladis and hundreds of padas.
Praneshadasa (Pranesh Vitthala 1744-1822), whose former name was Yogappa, was born in Lingsugur taluk. He is said to have served his guru, Jagannathadasa, for nearly sixteen years. He was the author of Parth-Vilasa, Veerabhadra-Vilasa, Aniruddha-vialasa and 12 other Harikathas and rendered Vayustuti into Kannada and composed several ugabhogas and suladis and hundreds of padas.
The other famous Dasas were Panganama Thimmanna Dasa, Kallur Subbannacharya, Guru Pranesha, Sreesha Pranesha Vitthala, Guru Sreesha Vitthala, Ananda Dasa, ModalakalSeshadasa, Sri Varadesha Vitthala, Srinivasa Vitthala, Asigyala Govinda Dasa, Manvi Gundacharya, Lingsugur Padmanabha Dasa, Panduranga Rao Kasbe, etc., and a number of others strove earnestly to continue the Haridasa tradition.
During the 18th century, there were also a good number of Veerashaiva writers. Sangavibhu of Ganekal wrote Kumara Vijaya (a Champoo kavya) and three Shatakas, namely, Basava Shataka, Pampa Shataka and Bhuvanaika-Nayaki Shataka. Ganamathadarya was the author of Bhakti-Sudharasa, while Kudlur Basavalinga Sharma wrote Brahmatatva-Ratnakara and Channamalla Kavi of Deodurg wrote Karuneshwara-Purana.
The famous writers of the 19th century were Veerabhadra kavi, the author of Aravattumuru Puratanara Purana, Gugal Parappayya who was the author of Anubhava Padyagalu and Mariswamy who also composed Anubhava Padyagalu. The late Kaviratna Chenna kavi and Maski Basavappa Sastry were famous for their Puranas. The famous works of Chenna kavi are : Hemareddy Mallammana Purana, Anagal Kumareshwara Purana, Sollapurada Nalwathar Veereshwara Purana, Mulagunda Balaveera Mahanta Shivayogi Purana, Gowlakere Annadaneshwara Purana and other works.
The research work of late Gorebala Hanumantha Rao of Lingsugur in the field of Dasa Sahitya (the literature of Dasas), has brought to light the works of several Dasas (through Varadendra Sahitya Mandala, Lingsugur) who strove hard to propagate the Dasa tradition. He brought out more than 50 works containing keertanas of several Dasas. It was also discovered that there were Harijans and Muslims too among the Dasas. During the twenties and thirtees of the present century, the literary and cultural activities gained a considerable momentum through the strenuous efforts of Pandit Taranath (1891-1942), an eminent thinker, linguist and social worker, who hailed from South Kanara District but spent many active years of his life in the Raichur region. He attracted a number of devoted followers whom he inspired to work earnestly for the country. He wrote Dharma Sambhava, Dharmada Tirulu and other works, which are thought- provoking. He was highly proficient in Ayurveda also and trained up many youths in that medical science. He founded the Hamdard High School at Raichur. The late Kallinatha Shastri Puranik wrote Puranas, like his father Kaviratna Chenna kavi, of which Sharana Basaveshwara Purana, Gudleshwara Purana, Belwantara Chennabasaveshwara Purana and Itagi Bhimambika Purana are well known. He has written also plays, songs and other works. Late Prof. D.K.Bhimasen Rao of Bidgi in Manvi taluk, who worked as the Head of the Kannada Department of Osmania University, was responsible for fostering Kannada movement in Hyderabad through Kannada Sahitya Mandir and Nizam Karnatak Sahitya Parishat. His literary contributions are Hadimurane Shatamanda Karnataka, Andhra, Maharashtra Sahitya Avalokana, Shabdamani Darpanada Pathantaragalu Mattu Harikathamrita and Humale (a collection of poems edited), etc.
Late Sri Manvi Narasinga Rao, who worked for the cause of Kannada through Kannada Sahitya Mandir, Hyderabad, contributed to the Kannada literature Saraswati Tatva (a collection of essays) and Kannada Yatre (a travelogue), etc. He was mainly responsible for organizing the Nizam Karnatak Sahitya Parishat. Sri Tawag Bhimasen Rao of Tawag in Lingsugur taluk, a retired Kannada Lecturer, made a notable contribution by establishing Kannada Shitya Sangha in Gulbarga which has become a nucleus of many Kannada activities. His contributions are mostly in the form of articles or criticism published in literary journals like Prabuddha Karnataka. Sri Siddayya Puranik (son of the late Sri Kallinatha Shastri Puranik), an administrator, whose pen-name is Kavyananda, is one of the present-day eminent poets. His Manasa Sarovara, a collection of poems, won him a State award and his Thuppa Rotti Ge Ge Ge (children’s poems) won him a National award. He has written three dramas namely Atmarpana, Rajatarekhe and Bharataveera, two collections of stories, namely, tusharahara and Kathamanjari, and a novel, namely, Tribuvanamalla. Sharanacharitamrita is his other well known book of life-sketches of sixty-three Sharanas. Besides, he has edited Kannada Padya Ratnakara, Srikara Prabandhamale, Subodha-Sara, Mahatma Kanakadasa Prashasti and Sharanaprasada. His other works are Jalapata, Karana Sravana, Kallolamale, Modala Manavanagu, Vikasa Vani, etc. His brother Sri Annadanayya Puranik has written Channabasava Shitya, Bhageeratha Nyayadarshana, etc. Dr.S.M.Hunashal, Principal of the Hamdard Higher Secondary School, Raichur, has published several works both in English and Kannada, among which are the Veerashaiva Social Philosophy, Puratana Shraneyara Vachanagalu, Bharatada Samskritiya Ithihasa and Vichara Taranga (a collection of poems). Pandit D.M.Sharma has published a Kannada work entitled Amareshwara Purana. Shantarasa, a teacher by profession, has published a collection of poems called Musuku-tere; he is also the author of Satyasnehi, Nanjumorevalu and Manasagalli (poems), and has edited Siddharama, Kalyanadeepa, Basava Shataka and other works. Sri Jaithirth Rajpurohit, another administrator, is a noted novelist and a short-story writer. Suligali, a novel of his, won him a prize in 1968 in a competition. His other literary contributions are Paravvana Panchayati, Rohini (short stories), Halu Jenu (novel), Thungeyangaladalli (plays in verse) and Kanakagireesha Charite. Sri Chandrashekhara Sastry of Raichur has brought out several works on philosophy, while Vidwan Sri Veereshwara Shastry, a journalist and editor of Amaravani (a local monthly), has written a commentary on Bhava-Chintaratna of Gubbi Mallanarya. Sri Gadwal Shankarappa of Raichur, the organizer of Sangadigar Samithi, has been responsible for publication of several books brought out by young writers. He has also written Avale Ivalu, Brahma Tatva Ratnakara and Hariharana Kathegalu. Prof. T.Srikanthaiah of the L.V.D. College, Raichur, has written Arivu (a collection of poems) and Hariharanu Chitrisiruva Kelavu Sharanaru; he has also edited Shabara Shankara Vilasa.
To the credit of Sri Chennabasava Swamigalu of Naradagadde, a religious place, are works of literary and spiritual value such as Savijenu, Swayamprabha, Antaranga (being collections of his vachanas) and Sri Gurusannidhi. Sri Kushtagi Raghavendra Rao is working in Mysore University as a research worker on Dasa Sahitya. Sri Devendra Kumar Hakari, a Lecturer in Karnatak University, Dharwar, has written Chinmayi, Ache Eche, Chelva Kogile and Koogutive Kallu, while Sri Panchakshari Hiremath, another noted writer of Raichur district, has written a novel Borban Club serialized in a journal. In additiona to the above person, mention may be made of several others such as Sriyuths : the late Sugaveera Sharma and Manikya Rao, G.Krishna Rao, Jambanna, Hanumnthachar Updhyay, Amarananda, Vsanta Kushtagi, Vasudeva Bhat, Kanthannanavar, Basavaiah, Seetharam Jagirdar and so on who have earnestly contributed to Kannada literature.
Places of Interest
The district of Raichur is rich in historical associations and cultural traditions. It has a considerable number of places, which are of interest from the points of view of history, archaeology, religion, culture, modern development, etc. A brief account of some of the more important places of interest in the district are :
Bichal, in Raichur taluk, is noted for the Matha of Sri Saviradevaru Channaveera Shivacharya Swami.
Deodurg is the headquarters town of the taluk of the same name and is about 34 miles west of Raichur. It was formerly a stronghold of Bidar chieftains and has an old fort. Nearby, there is a hill, which contains talc.
Devarbhupur, in Lingsugur taluk, about 11 miles from Lingsugur, is noted for its Amareshwara temple and jaggery trade. The temple is beautifully situated amidst hillocks, which have green foliage. Under the auspices of this temple, annually a big jatra takes place in the month of Phalguna when a cattle fair is also held.
Devarsugur, in Raichur taluk, situated on the right bank of the Krishna river, is noted for its Sugureshwara or Veerabhadra temple. The annual jatra of this temple, held in the month of Margashira, attracts a large number of people.
Gabbur, in Deodurg taluk, has several old temples and inscriptions. In the old days, it was a center of education and was also known as Gopuragrama. The most important of the temples are those of Male-Shankara, Venkateshwara, Ishwara, Bangara Basappa and Hanuman. In addition to these, there are several ruined temples, two or three mathas, a few cisterns and a gateway called the Chandi-gage with a temple on either side of it. The Male-Shankara temple is built of rough grey stone and has a high plinth. The carving in the temple is plain on account of the roughness of the stone. There are two inscriptional tablets at the northern and western entrances and there is a large cistern in front of the temple.
The temple of Venkateshwara consists of three shrines, two of them containing the images of Vishnu and the third a linga. The carving on the outer walls of this temple, representing figures of various deities and animals, are elegent, the figures of elephants being particularly striking. On the eastern side of the temple, there is a large cistern, with beautifully carved masonry steps all round, called Sat baoli or seven cisterns. One of the mathas here is called Ganni Gudi Matha. It has a beautifully carved door. There is a tank, which is now in ruins. The Bangara Basappa temple has a shrine with an image of Ganesha, two Nandis (one is of fairly large in size and the other is a small one) and an inscriptional tablet. Gabbur has enclosure walls round it, which are of different periods and in different states of decay. The square form of their bastions is considered to be Muslim in design.
According to inscription dated 1109 A.D., belonging to the reign of Vikramaditya VI of the Chalukyas of Kalyana, now placed in the Hyderabad Archaelogical Museum but originally belonging to a Jaina Temple at Gabbur, the place (then called Gobbur or Hiriya Gobbur) was an agrahara town in the 12th century A.D. The same record states that it had also a Jaina temple called Brahma-Jinalaya or Nagara-Jinalaya.
Gandhal, in Raichur taluk, which is situated about 20 miles south of Raichur, has a well known temple of Panchamukhi Prana Devaru (Hanuman with five faces) on a hillock. Visitors to Mantralaya (now in Andhra Pradesh) make it a point to visit this temple also.
Gurugunta, in Lingsugur taluk, was the chief town of a small principality (samsthana) of Naiks related to the chiefs of Kankgiri and Shorapur. In the old days, these chiefs owed allegiance to Viajayanagara kings or Adil Shahs of Bijapur. The Gurugunta samsthana had survived under the Nizams and was merged in the district in 1949.
Hutti, in Lingsugur taluk, about 11 miles from Lingsugur, is well known for its gold mines.
Jaladurga, in Lingsugur taluk, is an island fort situated picturesquely in the Krishna river, about eight miles from Lingsugur. It was an important fort of the Adil Shahs of Bijapur, and Meadows Taylor has given a fine description of it in his book, Noble Queen (1874).
Jawalgera, in Sindhanur taluk, is about 54 miles from Raichur. A Central State Farm has been started near this place, with an area of 7.569 acres.
Kadlur, in Raichur taluk, is looked upon as a sacred place. To the north of this village, the Bhima joins the Krishna. According to an inscription found at Chikalparvi, the Vijayanagara king Krishnadevaraya visited this pilgrim center with his family and offered worship.
Kallur, in Manvi taluk, is a large village, about 13 miles from Raichur. The village is surrounded on all sides by granite hills except the east and derives its name from the abundance of the boulders on these hills. The village and the hills around are full of antiquities.
The present village, which is a modern growth, is surrounded by an old wall, which appears to be a work of the 13th or 14th century A.D. But the five gates appear to be of Muslim period. Two of them, which are not in much use, have no names. The other three are called after the towns to which they lead, Manvi Darwaza, Kalmala Darwaza and Raichur Darwaza. The gates are more or less in a ruined condition. The superstructure of the Raichur Darwaza, which has been pulled down to construct the chavadi in the village, contained a wooden inscription in Kannada. According to this inscription, which now forms part of the ceiling of the chavadi building, the gateway was constructed by Agha Khusru, a well known Adil Shahi dignitary.
There are six temples in and around the village. Out of these, only the Markandeshwara temple deserves some notice. This seems to be the oldest temple in the village and its hall has some pillars of black polished stone with beautiful carvings on them. A number of inscriptions have been found in this village, most of them belonging to the period of the Chalukyas of Kalyana.
Another interesting feature of Kallur is that there are many large and well-built wells. Five of these wells are very spacious, which have been built of solid masonry and have flights of steps leading to their base. It is not known when and by whom they were constructed. The largest well is 50 feet X 50 feet on the surface and about 120 feet deep and contains sweet water.
Kalmala, in Raichur taluk, about 9 miles from Raichur, has the samadhi of a noted saint, Kariappa Tata.
Kavital, in Manvi taluk, is a large village, situated on the Raichur-Lingsugur road, about 40 miles from Raichur and 18 miles from Lingsugur. There is a hillock to the south-west of the village which has several natural caverns. Along the slopes of the hill, artifacts, iron slag and pieces of ancient pottery were found. To the west of the village is an ash-mound on the top of which, in later times, a temple has been built. The ash-mound marks the site of an old smelting factory. There is an interesting medieval temple in the village, called Tryambakeshwara temple, which has three shrines, two of which contain lingas. There are two Kannada inscriptions in the temple and a beautiful image of Mahishasuramardini in one of the two niches in its western wall. All the three shrines are of a uniform size, each being 9 feet deep and 8 feet broad, and each one has an ante-chamber. Also of a uniform size of 7 feet X 8 feet, connected with the main hall.
The exterior of the temple is plain, but the masonry work is very impressive. The shikharas of the shrines, which are of the Dravidian style, have been built up to about two-thirds of their height in dressed stone, while the remaining portion had been completed in brick and lime. The walls of the temple are built of huge blocks of pink granite, some of which are as big as 15 feet in length, 3 feet in breadth and about 2 feet in thickness. The plinth is covered with earth; but on the northern and western sides, some portion of it, are exposed and these show a frieze representing elephant-fights and other scenes.
Korva, in Raichur taluk, is a beautiful island surrounded by the Krishna river, about 18 miles north-east of Raichur. It is looked upon as a holy place and is popularly known as Naradagadde, where sage Narada is said to have performed penance. A fine road has been laid from Raichur to this place, which has been also electrified.
It has a temple dedicated to Narada, a famous Veerashaiva Matha, the samadhi of Vairagya Channabasavaswami who lived about four centuries ago and was well known for his mystic wisdom, a Shivayoga Peetha and a Basavanna temple. The annual jatra at this place attracts a large number of people and a cattle fair is also held at the time, when there is a brisk trade especially in blankets, brass vessels, bullocks and carts.
Just near Naradagadde, there is Koormagadde (Kurumakshetra or Kuravakala) which has a Dattatreya Peetha and the samadhi of Sripadavallabha Swami. It is said to be the original place of Dattatreya. It has a temple dedicated to him, which is visited by devotees from far and near.
Kotekal, in Manvi taluk, is situated on the Raichur-Lingsugur road, about 11 miles from Lingsugur. The village has two hillocks, each having a fort at its top. Along the slopes of these hillocks have been found artifacts, iron-slag and gold-crushers, belonging to the prehistoric period.
Lingsugur is the headquarters of the taluk and the sub-division of the same name and is a commercial center. Till 1905, it was the headquarters of the Lingsugur district. Neolithic implements like stone axes, hammers, flakes and cores and plain pottery were discovered here.
Manvi is the headquarters town of the taluk of the same name and a centre of developmental activities under the Tungabhadra Project. It has a well-known temple of Jagannathaswami and an old fort now in ruined condition.
Maski, in Lingsugur taluk, situated 17 miles south-east of Lingsugur and 72 miles south-west of Raichur, on the right bank of a river of the same name, which is a tributary of the Tungabhadra, is highly interesting from the points of view of prehistory and protohistory. It must have been a town of considerable size and importance in the remote past, as is evident from the traces of its iron and gold workings covering a large area, and from the references made to it in a number of inscriptions ranging from the 10th to the 16th century A.D.
Maski has proved to be one of the most important prehistoric sites in the district. As early as 1888, Bruce Foote, who collected various kinds of Neolithic implements and artifacts, which are now exhibited in the prehistoric section of the Madras museum, visited the place. Later, when Mr.G.Yazdani, the then Director of Archaeology of the erstwhile Hyderabad state, visited the place in 1935-36, he was struck by the abundance of artifacts, which he noticed on the surface of some sites. Among these sites, the so called fields of Sultan Muhammad were found to be particularly rich in antiquities. According to Yazdani, these fields constitute the site of the old town of Maski, access to which from the river-side was through a gorge amidst a ring of hills which surround the site. The hills have several spurs, the highest of which has Shaivite temple which, from its architecture, appears to be of the 13th century A.D. On two other spurs near the gorge, are two other temples – one goldsmiths’ and the other weavers’. Weaving and gold-smelting are still the principal industries of the place.
Matmari, in Raichur taluk, is looked upon as a holy place. It has a temple dedicated to Veerabhadra and the well-known Matha of Sri Saviradevaru Channaveera Shivacharya Swami is nearby.
Mudgal, in Lingsugur taluk, a town about 10 miles south-west of Lingsugur, is one of the most important places of historical interest in the district, next in importance only to Raichur. Mudgal or Mudugal has a history dating back to the Yadava dynasty, several inscriptions of which have been discovered in and around the town. In the beginning of the 14th century, it was an important outpost of the Kakatiya kingdom. Malik Naib, after seizing Devagiri, captured Mudgal along with Raichur. After the establishment of the Bahmani dynasty and the Bijapur kings took possession of the western and southern parts of the territory of the Bahmani kingdom including the forts of Raichur and Mudgal.
The most important object of interest at Mudgal is the fort. In the construction of the fort at Mudgal, advantage was taken of a hillock on the top of which were built houses of royalty and a wall with bastions. The outer fortifications of Mudgal cover an area of half a square mile. The outer fort has a wide moat, which is filled with water. The width of the moat varies, being as much as 50 yards at several places. Behind the moat, there is a scarp with a row of bastions and after that, a narrow covered passage and adjoining it the counter scarp with very massive bastions. From the arrangement of the existing fort, it is apparent that the fort was rebuilt after the inventions of guns. The courses of masonry at several places are of Hindu style, but the arch-shaped parapet is of Muslim design. The moat and the row of bastions together offer a pleasing view.
In front of the Fateh Darwaza, which faces north, there is a very massive bastion, with a curtain on each side, thus making a barbican for the defence of the fort. Near this barbican is a guard’s room with three arched openings towards the north. The barbican has a narrow court with entrances towards the west and north-east, the gates of which are built in the pillar-and-lintel style. In the covered passage of this gateway, there are guards’ rooms on both sides. The massive bastion above referred to has a gun with a Kannada inscription near the muzzle. The gun has long iron pieces in its interior, which have been bound outwardly by hoops.
There is another gateway on the western side, behind the narrow passage of which there is a second gateway with an arch. The walls at this point are cyclopean in construction. There are guards’ rooms on either side of the passage of this gateway also. There is a third gateway to the left of the second, also arched, but the apex, as in the case of the previous one, is filled up with masonry. This gateway is more massive in construction than the other two, the guard’s room attached to its passage also being more commodious. There is a mosque near this gateway, which consists of a double-pillared hall, the pillars being of Hindu design. On the opposite side of the road are the remains of the Naubat Khana. On the way to the Bala Hisar is the gun-powder magazine, where, at one end, two compartments have been built for the storage of gun-powder.
The Bala Hisar or citadel is built at the top of the hillock and commands a good view of the interior of the fort as well as of the surround country. The view gives a good idea of the extent of the fort and of the large garrison, which could be accommodated therein. There are several natural depressions in the rock above, which were utilized for storing water. Bastions and walls are built at different points for the defence of the buildings of the Bala Hisar. In the middle also, there is a large bastion, round in form. The hill near this bastion rises in the form of a spur and is detached from the lower parts of the hill by a ravine. There are some natural caverns below the Nauras Burj. The fort is defended towards the south-west by a range of hills. In the western part of the fort is a large cistern called the Hikrani Baoli – about 140 yards in length and 40 to 50 yards in breadth.
When coming out from the fort, we see that the first (innermost) gateway is arch-shaped, lofty and massive. The second gateway is built in rather a hybrid style – the openings of the main entrance being in the pillar-and-lintel style and those of the guards’ rooms being arch-shaped. The plinth, the columns and ceiling of the guards’ rooms are lavishly decorated with sculpture. The outermost gate is built in the pillar-and-lintel style and the door is studded with iron spikes. It is called Kati Darwaza on account of the thorny appearance of the spikes. The panels of this door are decorated with figures of animals and gods carved in relief. A figure of a god holding a serpent is carved on the outer wall of the fort. There is another sculpture representing Hanuman. A bridge is built on the moat; but the approach is rather narrow.
There are, in this fort, at least seven inscriptions belonging to the Adil Shahi dynasty of Bijapur, 15 old Kannada inscriptions and two later inscriptions in Devanagari script.
There is an old Roman Catholic Church at this place. It is said that it stands on the foundation of one, which had been built by Jesuits before 1557 during the reign of Ibrahim Adil Shah who had granted inam land for its support. The original very old church was pulled down and another was built in its place later.
Mudval, in Lingsugur taluk, is situated at about 12 miles from Lingsugur. The village has a stone-wall which shows that it was of considerable importance at some time. This is one of the important pre-historic sites of the district. Artifacts were found on the slopes of the hill about a mile and a half to the west of the village. Gold crushers and iron slags were found in abundance near this place.
Mukkunda, in Sindhanur taluk, is situated on the bank of the Tungabhadra, nearby a hill, about 20 miles from Sindhanur. There is an old and large fort on the top of the hill. At the entrance to the village, there is an old temple of Murari, built of stone. An island in the river has the dargah of Gaddikhader Wali, where an annual urs is held, which attracts a large number of people.
Raichur, the headquarters town of the district, is an important commercial, industrial and educational center. The place is of considerable antiquity. Malik Kafur captured it in 1312 and subsequently it was in the hands of Vijayanagara, Bahmani, Bijapur, Mughal and Asaf Jahi kings.
The hill fort of Raichur, which was of great importance in the past, is surrounded on three sides by a double row of massive but low circuit walls. The inner wall, which is constructed of huge blocks of well-dressed and nicely fitted stones without the aid of any cementing material, is the work of the Hindus, according to a long Kannada inscription dated A.D. 1294 on a slab in the western inner wall. The outer wall, which is built of comparatively rough stone masonry, is, on the other hand, the work of the Muslims. The outer fortifications contain five gateways : the Mecca Darwaza on the west, the Naurangi Darwaza on the north, the Kati Darwaza on the east, the Khandak Darwaza on the south and the Doddi Darwaza on the south-east. The inner wall has two gateways : the Sailani Darwaza on the west and the Sikandari Darwaza on the east.
The area inside the fort-walls abounds in the remains of ancient objects, of which a few important ones have been described here. The Mecca Darwaza and the adjoining walls were, according to the Persian inscriptions on the arches of the gateway, built by the command of one Mallu Khan in 1470 during the reign of the Bahmani king Muhammad Shah III. The modern road starting from the railway station and leading into the town passes through this way.
The road proceeding from this entrance passes through a gap in the inner wall, just by the side of the long Kannada inscription referred to above. At a little distance to the right of this epigraph, there are some marvelous drawings. Some distance to the south of these drawings, near the ancient quarry, is a large depression locally known as Banda Baoli. Further to the south, near the fort of the hill, is the Doddi Darwaza, a double-arched entrance, in the Muslim wall. Near this gateway is a beautiful circular well constructed of fine stone masonry with a long staircase leading right to the bottom; but the well is now dry.
The gap in the inner wall mentioned above was made recently to give access to the road. Adjoining the Hindu wall, there is a tomb of a Muslim saint, Pir Sailani Shah. This is a handsome and fascinating structure built in Bijapur style, comprising a small rectangular hall, with an one-arched opening in each face – the arches resting on small stone pillars carved in Chalukyan fashion – and surmounted by a beautiful narrow-necked dome set on a circular row of lotus petals and ornamented with four small slim turrets at the corners. The big gateway situated here derives its name from the name of the saint and is called Sailani Darwaza. The road issuing from the gap proceeds eastwards. Some distance beyond the Hindu wall and to the south of the road, there is a large square cistern built of solid stone masonry. Further to the south and at the foot of the hillock, is a small mosque called the Kali Masjid, in the construction of which Hindu material has been freely used, as is evident from the beautifully polished Chalykyan pillars of black basalt and the fragments of Kannada inscriptions found on the slabs in its walls.
Fort Jami Masjid
The road next passes by the side of the Fort Jami Masjid situated to the north of the road. It is a handsome structure having two entrances, one in the south and the other in the east. The southern entrance, which is supported on six massive stone pillars of the Chalukyan style with square bases, cruciform capitals and circular and decorated middle portions, seems to have originally been the mantapa of some temple. Just opposite the entrance in the courtyard of the mosque is a cemetery, which is said to contain the graves of some members of the Adil Shahi dynasty. The eastern entrance of the mosque is crowned with three small domes, the middle one of which is circular and the other two pyramidal. To the left of this entrance, outside the mosque proper, is a deep well of considerable dimensions with masonry walls of stone all around.
Opposite the Jami Masjid are the remains of an ancient Hindu palace. Of the original palace, there is very little remaining now, except the old walled enclosure and the big entrance by the side of the present jail. The jail also is said to have originally formed part of this building. But the alterations and modifications of the present day, suiting the requirements of the jail, have completely deprived the building of all its antiquarian grandeur and interest.
Opposite the ruins of the palace and near the Sikandari Darwaza is a small mosque called Daftarki-Masjid. The material used for the construction of this also has been taken from some ruined Hindu temples. The mosque is entered through a domed structure, the lintel and brackets of which are supported on the pillars of that temple. The pillars in the prayer-hall are also of typically of Chalukyan workmanship. The mosque has in front a deep, oblong well, built with stone masonry.
At this point, the road gets into the Sikandari Darwaza, which formed the eastern entrance of the Hindu fortifications. The gateway has two arched entrances, one facing the west and the other south. The former, which is crowned with a battlemented parapet, is in a ruined condition. On the faces of the two walls immediately adjoining are traces of old Kannada inscriptions, which are almost completely obliterated by the conquerors, as is clear from the various geometrical designs purposely made to chisel out the original writings.
A little further, to the left of the road, is an interesting mosque known as the Ek-Minar-ki_Masjid. One Amber constructed this mosque, according to the Persian inscription on its threshold. In this mosque also, the pillars supporting the roof of the entrance area all Chalukyan pillars. It has only one minaret, as its name itself suggests. The minaret, about 65 ft. high and 13 ft. in diameter, is built in Persian style and is identical in form with the Chand Minar at Daulatabad erected in 1445 by Ala-ud-din Bahmani and the minaret of the famous college of Mahmud Gawan at Bidar built during 1472. The minaret, which consists two storeys, each furnished with windows and surrounded by projecting galleries girded with stone balustrades, gradually tapers from bottom to top and has, at the top, a round dome in the Bahmani style. A winding staircase leads up to the top-storey, from which an excellent view of the town can be had. Apart from its architectural peculiarities, this mosque, as the inscriptions in the building show, is the oldest place of Muslim worship in the town.
Another Jami Masjid
The road next leads to the Kati Darwaza, which marks the eastern limit of the Muslim fortifications. Outside the fort-walls in the same direction, is another Jami Masjid, which forms the biggest place of Muslim worship in the town. Entered through an arched entrance facing the south, the mosque has a vast rectangular courtyard in front and oblong water cistern in the south-east corner. The prayer hall is fairly large, being 101’ 6” X 24’ 5” internally, with eleven arched openings facing the east. On either side is a tall stone minaret in beautiful Bijapur style and the top is decorated with small turrets and a battlemented parapet. The flat ceiling of the mosque is supported on two rows of 10 pillars each in plan Chalukyan style.
There is another road, which starts from the old tank in the south and leads right up to the Naurangi Darwaza in the north. It first enters through the Khandak Darwaza, a ruined gateway. A little distance along the road, to the west is an extensive rectangular well, called Khas Baoli, which is built of solid stone masonry and approached by means of big staircases in the corners. In the center of the well is a high platform approached through a causeway from the west. The well is said to have supplied water to the entire fort area. A little further, in the opposite direction, is another, comparatively smaller and well known as Andheri Baoli; a staircase from the north reaches it.
From here, up to the Naurangi Darwaza, there are a number of old small mosques and other minor structures. The Naurangi Darwaza was so designated because of the lavishly painted and sculptured decorations which once adorned the gateway. The material used for its construction, from its mythological and artistic peculiarities, appears to have belonged originally to Hindu structures. The first gate of this entrance, facing the south, is flanked by a bastion on either end, one of them being square and the other circular. On a square stone slab in the former bastion, is a well carved figure of a Naga king, seated cross-legged in meditation on a fish, with a crown of five serpent-hoods on his head. Here, on other slabs, are carved various scenes from Hindu mythology.
Lastly, the Bala Hisar or the citadel is situated on the middle and the loftiest of the hills in the south-west corner of the fort. It is approached first by a flight of steps rising near the south-east corner of the inner fort-wall up to a door-way in the middle, then by a gradual slope which is not difficult of ascent and again by a few steps leading to the entrance which is fitted with a rectangular door-frame. The citadel stands on an irregularly shaped platform on the summit of the hill. The northern side is occupied by the durbar hall, a double three-arched and triple-domed structure measuring about 36 ft. X 25 ft. internally, with a battlemented and loop-holed parapet on the top. To the west of this hall is a small mosque, in Bijapur style, with one arch and two slim minarets. To the east is a small square open pavilion, with a square pyramidal dome supported on four pillars showing Hindu features.
In front of the hall is a square cistern, now filled with earth, and next to this, there is a circular platform, 32 ft. in diameter, supporting a gun in the middle. The gun, mounted on a turn-table and facing the east, is 20’ 3” long, with a circumference of 4’ 4” at its breech, the diameter of the bore being five inches. To the west of the gun, is the Panch Bibi Dargah or the Dargah of five lady saints. At the back of the hall, among the rocks, is lying the lower portion of a seated nandi or bull carved in granite. The remains of this nandi and the square pavilion mentioned above appear to be the only surviving portions of the Hindu works on the citadel. The pavilion perhaps originally formed a mantapa of some Hindu temple that might have once stood on the summit of the hall.
Ramagadde, in Raichur taluk, about 14 miles north of Raichur, is a beautiful island in the Krishna. It is looked upon as a holy place. According to a legend, Sri Ramachandra stayed here for a year and consecrated and worshipped a Shivalinga. It has a Veerashaiva Matha.
Roudkunda, in Sindhanur taluk, is situated about 6 miles to the east of Gorebal, the latter being on the Sindhanur-Gangavati road. The place seems to be an ancient one, since it is one of the important Neolithic sites in the district. To the west of the village, there are two hillocks, one of them having a small fort on it belonging to the 16th or 17th century A.D. Artifacts were found in abundance both in the valley between the two hillocks and on the slopes of the hillock having the fort.
Sindhanur is the headquarters of the taluk of the same name and is a commercial center for cotton. It occupies a central place in the Tungabhadra ayacut area in the district and is an important center of developmental activities under the Tungabhadra Project.
Somalpur, in Sindhanur taluk, about 14 miles from Sindhanur, is well known for its Ambadevi temple, situated at the foot of a hill, where annually a fair takes place in the month of Pushya, which is largely attended.
Venkatapur, in Lingsugur taluk, is about 3 miles due north of Maski. To the south of this village are two hills, along the skirts of which 45 cairns were found in a good condition of preservation. Some of them are in pairs. On the western side of these hills, there is another group of cairns with double rings, the outer ring in some cases having a diameter of about 50 feet. On the northern side of the hills, there are a few traces of square constructions, which appear to be old.
Records and revelations
|A book that will go a long way in establishing the historicity and antiquity of Tamil, writes INDIRA PARTHASARATHY of Iravatham Mahadevan’s Early Tamil Epigraphy.|
STONE sculpted is Art and when scripted, it is History. Lucien, the Greek satirist and sophist, while lampooning the historians of his period (Second Century A.D.) said, “objective history has no favourites and manipulating history appears to be, now, the official pastime.” (How prophetic!) Inscriptions with no set goals of literary merit, but stay as the written records of a given era, define history as Lucien had visualised it. But the inscriptions need to be accurately read and dispassionately interpreted to conform to this Lucienian dictum.
Pottery with Tamil-Brahmini inscriptions, Berenike, Egypt, First Century A.D.
Tamil is one of the oldest languages with the longest literary and spoken continuity in India. And yet, what puzzled the earlier scholars was, in spite of the literary antiquity of this language, the inscriptions discovered in the Tamil region, were in two different scripts, one in Tamil belonging to the period of the Pallavas i.e. Seventh Century A.D. and the other in Va.t.te.luttu at the time of the P-a.ndyas in Eighth Century A.D. Much more intriguing was the total absence of written records in Tamil before the Seventh Century A.D. Did this mean that Tamil had only an oral tradition before this period? Considering the historical data of such an eminent past found in the Sanga works P-uran-a-n-u-ru and Pa.t.tirrupattu, brought to light by the untiring efforts of the greatest among the Tamil scholars of the last century, Dr. U.Ve Swaminatha Iyer, can one hold the view that the idea of `recording’, in whatever form, had never occurred to the Tamil?
This nagging doubt was soon set at nought by the discovery of the As´okan edicts in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu around the turn of the 20th Century. Thanks to the pioneering efforts of V. Venkayya, H. Krishna Sastri, K.V. Subrahmanya Aiyer, Mahadevan, R. Nagaswamy and a few other scholars in dating and deciphering the scripts, a few things became clear — that they were different from the edicts of As´oka in the sense that their phonological character was not Indo-Aryan, that the special characters of the Tamil language could be identified in these scripts, that the orthographic conventions were not the same as that were followed by the Mauryan Br-ahm-i but in a way related to the Bhattiproulu casket inscriptions. Once it was established that they were not in Prakrit language written in Maurya- Br-ahm-i script, it led to an astounding revelation that the earliest inscriptions in the Tamil region were in Tamil, written in the Tamil- Br-ahm-i script, which, in turn, was an innovative adaptation of the original Mauryan-Br-ahm-i script to conform to the distinctive phonological character of the Tamil language.
It was to Iravatham Mahadevan, the administrator-scholar, that this revelation came, who has been involved in this field of research for the last four decades and more. An outcome of this revelation is the book, Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D.
The book, which is in three parts, narrates chronologically the discovery of the cave inscriptions by the pioneers involved in this research, their attempts to read them in which they partially succeeded but were left with confusion mostly because of their certain basic wrong assumptions. The language of As´okan edicts was in Prakrit in Br-ahm-i script and as such, it was assumed earlier, that the language of the cave inscriptions found in Tamil Nadu could only be in Prakrit. But once it became known that the language was Tamil, the difficulty in reading them was attributed to the defective orthography of the inscriptions.
Dr. Kamil Zvelebil, a noted Dravidinist, went to the extent of making a sweeping statement as this: “The legitimate inference seems to be that these votive inscriptions are in a hybrid language containing Tamil as well Prakrit words … the strange jumble of words belonging to two different languages. It is of supreme importance, therefore, to remember that these epigraphs are not of great value to the study of linguistic development” (1996).
Pandya Copper coin with Tamil Brahimi Legend, Karur, First Century B.C.
The chapter on “Language” is a significant part of this book. Mahadevan studied and restudied the inscriptions over and over again and found the confusion was not in them but in the minds of those who read them wrongly. He says, “The argument for the present study is that starting from accurately copied texts and applying the orthographic rules which can be empirically formulated for reading the texts, it can be demonstrated that the language of the cave inscriptions despite the Prakrit loan words, is Old Tamil not materially different from the language of later Tamil inscriptions or even literary texts in its basic phonological, morphological and syntactical features.” He made several expeditions to those caves and edited directly from the stone that helped him arrive at this most significant conclusion. Though Br-ahm-i was the mother of all the scripts in India, Devan-agari and Dravidian, it was adapted in a way to suit the genius of the language of the region. There were five variations of the Br-ahm-i script such as (1) Northern Br-ahm-i. (2) Southern Br-ahm-i, (3) Bhattiprolu script, (4) Sinhala- Br-ahm-i and (5) Tamil- Br-ahm-i.
Tamil- Br-ahm-i evolved after certain changes were made in Br-ahm-i to suit the phonetic system in the Tamil language.
Tamil- Br-ahm-i omitted sounds not present in Tamil viz., voiced consonants, aspirates, sibilants, the anusv-ara (.m) and the visarga (-h). Tamil has certain sounds for which there were no signs in Br-ahm-i, which called for additional letters viz. -l, .l, -r, -n.
By introducing a diacritical mark called pu.l.li (dots) three things were achieved: (a) basic consonants in final position were indicated (b) ligaturing of consonant clusters was avoided (c) the short vowels `e,’ `o’ were differentiated from the respective long vowels.
Music inscription in Tamil Brahimi, Arachalur, Fourth Century A.D.
In Tamil, the consonants are basic and the “inherent” medial — a, as in Sanskrit, is absent. The pu.l.li was used as a minus-vowel marker. It was invented in Tamil-Br-ahm-i to accommodate this concept, as the parent Br-ahm-i script did not have this. The pu.l.li did not occur in the Early Tamil-Br-ahm-i inscriptions and occurred for the first time in the Late Tamil-Br-ahm-i inscription at Anaimalai (Second Century A.D.) and its frequency increased until it occurred almost without exception with all the basic consonants in the Early Va.t.te.luttu period (ca. Fifth Centuries A.D.).
Tolk-appiyam says the “the nature of the consonant is to be provided with a dot and `e’ and `o’ are also of the same nature.” It is evident from the way Tolk-appiyam defines the consonants that their nature was to have the dots, this grammatical work, one can assume, was written later than the period the pulli was invented. Also, the early Tamil-Br-ahm-i inscriptions do not represent graphically the letter -aytam (.) at all which is described by Tolk-appiyam as mupp-al pu.l.li (dots in a triangular pattern). From the inscriptional evidences, Mahadevan says that Tolk-appiyam was perhaps written between the Second and Fourth Centuries A.D. Many Tamil scholars would like to assign a much earlier date for Tolk-appiyam, that it belonged to a period not later than Sixth Century B.C.
Based on the Tamil-Br-ahm-i script’s rendering of the singularly different sounds in Tamil, Mahadevan refutes the theory of some Tamil scholars, who argue that although Tamil has no voiced consonants (as in Indo-Aryan and other Dravidian languages), voicing in medial position exists in Modern Tamil and as such, should have existed in Old Tamil also. They were not provided for in the orthography because, according to them, the early Tamils should have felt that it was not necessary to borrow Br-ahm-i voiced consonants, as they were well aware of the principle of phonemes. If this argument were true, the natural question would be, what could have been the reason for avoiding the voiced consonants even in the Prakrit loan words in the early inscriptions. Was it is not for accommodating Tamil phonology with its lack of voicing? Tolk-appiyam, the earliest Tamil grammar, made no reference to the voicing of consonants. One feels that Tolk-appiyam would have definitely dealt with this issue, had there been voiced consonants during its period, as it had devoted a whole chapter on articulatory phonetics. “On the basis of the direct and unambiguous evidence from the Tamil-Br-ahm-i inscriptions taken together with the native grammatical tradition,” Mahadevan states emphatically, “there was no voicing of consonants in Old Tamil.”
The learned author of this book holds the view that, although one cannot say that the Tamil script got derived directly from the Br-ahm-i script, it cannot be satisfactorily countered that Br-ahm-i was not the origin for all the scripts in the Indian languages. From Br-ahm-i, the Southern Br-ahm-i and Tamil- Br-ahm-i came into existence (Second Century B.C.) From Tamil- Br-ahm-i came Va.t.te.luttu (Fifth Century A.D.) This led to the arrival of Grantha script in the Sixth Century A.D. A simplification of the Grantha script resulted in the formation of what we now know as Tamil script (Seventh Century A.D.) The greatness of the Tamil language and literature will not suffer any devaluation just because its script was derived and succeeded the language after several centuries, which was true of many of the languages in the world, including Sanskrit.
Dr. Zevelbil, while computing the relative frequency of Dravidian and Indo-Aryan stems in the words used in the scriptions, put the ration as 1:1. Mahadevan has calculated in all the 307 stems of 89 Tamil- Br-ahm-i inscriptions, 213 are Dravidian, 81 are Indo-Aryan and the remaining 13 are of doubtful etymology. So according to him the ratio is 2.5:1, which only goes to prove that the language of the inscriptions is not definitely “a hybrid jargon”, as was believed by some of the reputed scholars. In the lexical items category, it is found that the Tamil inscriptions are richer in verbs when compared with the votive inscriptions in Prakrit. There are 15 verb stems, which are all Dravidian. Intransitive, transitive, causative forms, past and non-past tenses (there was no future tense in Old Tamil), participal and verbal nouns, adjectival participles and the infinitive are found in the language of the inscriptions. It only shows how the language was well settled and had acquired a considerable amount of linguistic maturity even from the date of the earliest inscriptions available to us.
As the earliest lithic records in Dravidian languages, there are some rare words used in the inscriptions, which are not found in Old Tamil and the literary texts. They are dismissed by some of the scholars as “scribal errors”. Mahadevan has found these words were used in much later inscriptions also, which, according to the learned author, only establishes that these words could have continuously existed in the spoken idiom from early times, though not represented in the literary texts. He gives the examples of the words “a.n.ni and antai”. A.n.ni is feminine honorific suffix and as it is found along with its masculine honorific suffix anna in ancient Prakrit inscriptions (borrowed from the Dravidian sources), the antiquity of this word is attested. `Antai’ as an independent word appears to be the primary kinship term, which cognates like enthai (“my father”) tantai (“our father” — reflexive pronoun, which has now become a generic word to denote `father’). Antai, as a bound word is merely honorific (like “appa-n”, “ayya-n”) and it cannot mean “father of”, as is interpreted by the Tamil grammatical tradition, according to Mahadevan. He gives illustrations from the inscriptions themselves, in which “Pi.t.tantai” and “Ko-r-rantai” mean “revered Pi.t.tan” and “revered Ko-r-ran” respectively and not “father of Pi.t.tan” and “father of Ko-r-ran”. He has, accordingly, suggested that the commentaries and the grammatical sutrams in Tolk-appiyam (E-lu.t.tu 347) and Na-n-n-ul (238) respectively, “need reinterpretation to be consistent with actual usage”.
Some of the significant observations made by the author in the “Language” chapter are, that in the Inscriptions, (1) there are no finite verbs (2) present tense is totally absent and (3) the occurrence of rare grammatical morphemes, like -a, functioning as accusative case suffix, genitive suffix and as genitive case suffix, which is not attested elsewhere in Tamil but is found in Old Kannada as genitive suffix.
Mahadevan has brought to light in this work the influence of Old Kannada on Tamil-Br-ahm-i inscriptions from a period (Second Century B.C. to Fourth Century A.D.) anterior to the earliest Kannada inscriptions and literature. This is a very interesting observation he has made on the basis of lexical and grammatical usages showing the influence of Old Kannada.
Memorial Stela for a fighting cock, Vatteluttu inscription, Arasalapuram, Fifth Century A.D.
“Erme” in Old Kannada means “buffalo”, and the Mysore region came to be known later as “mahisha-ma.ndala” (`the land of buffaloes’ in Sanskrit). In a Tamil- Br-ahm-i inscription, there is reference to “erumin-a.tu”, which would be in literary Tamil “erumainadu”. In Akan-a-n-u-ru, an important Sangam work, “erumai uran” and “erumain-a.tu” find mention in three poems written by Mamulanar and Nakkirar. “Ka.vuti” was a personal name of a Jaina nun, belonging to Mysore, who was gifted a resting place by “I.layar”. I.layar belonged to the martial race in the Tulu region. It looks like “ka.vuti’ could also be a variant of `gavu.da,’ the name strikingly similar to `Kavundhi Adigal,’ a Jaina nun, and an important character in Tamil epic Cilappatik-aram (Fifth Century A.D.) The author of this great work was a Jaina monk and said to be a C-era prince.
The traditional accounts say that Jainism reached the Tamil region from Karnataka. The Tamil-Br-ahm-i inscriptions are mostly associated with the Jaina faith. The author says, “out of 30 sites with 89 Tamil- Br-ahm-i inscriptions, included in the Corpus, 28 sites with 84 inscriptions are Jaina and the remaining two sites with five inscriptions are secular, that is, having no apparent religious significance.” Merchants and the chieftains in and around the P-a.ndyas and C-era countries supported this faith by giving grants to the monks and nuns to have their own resting place in the caves. A resting place was called “Pa.l.li”, which meant “bed”, also “a teaching centre”, and in fact, it functioned as both. The monks and nuns lived in these caves and taught their disciples. From the name of any place in Tamil Nadu that ends with “pa.l.li” suffix, like “Tiruchirapalli, Tirukattuppalli” one can say that was once a strong Jaina centre. Madurai in the P-a.ndyas country had headquartered as the seat of Jaina order during the early centuries before and after the Christian era.
Mahadevan says that D-evas-ena, the author of Darsan-asara, a Prakriti work written in 853 A.D. has mentioned that Vajranandi, the pupil of P-ujyap-ada, founded the Dravida Sa.mgha in Madurai in 468-469 A.D. The Dravida Sa.mgha was so famous that it has been referred to in the Kannada inscriptions from Karnataka. Mahadevan’s speculation that the legends relating to the three successive Tamil Sangams (literary academies) at Madurai are probably based on later recollection of the name. Dravida Sa.mgha deserves a further probe by Tamil scholars. That many of the outstanding authors like Tolk-appiyar, Tiruvalluvar, I.la.nko and Tirutthakkathevar were Jainas is also a significant point.
The Sangam society as reflected in its poetry (ca. First-Third Centuries A.D.) was free from hierarchy of any kind, social or cultural. The poets, who wrote these poems, came from all sections of the society, princes, Brahmins, farmers, merchants, workers and women. This is no surprise. Mahadevan says that the Early and Late and Va.t.te.luttu inscriptions depicted a high literate society, literacy of very popular and democratic character. It was free from elitism. Literacy was widespread covering almost all the regions, urban and rural, as evidenced by the inscribed pottery obtained during the excavations and explorations. The number of such finds is much more than elsewhere in the country. The author states, “the pottery inscriptions are secular in character and the names occurring in them indicate that common people from all strata of Tamil society made these scratchings and scribblings on pottery owned by them; on the other hand, inscribed pottery excavated from Upper South Indian sites are all in Prakrit and mostly associated with religious centres like Amaravathi and Salihundam.”
How did this happen? The author has a very convincing reason for this that cannot be bettered. The mother tongue (Tamil) was the vehicle of social transaction between all sections of the people. Literacy can be “meaningful and creative”, only if the society conducts its activity of any nature in its own mother tongue. The political independence of Tamil country was also one of the important factors for the popular literacy ratio in this region. The Upper South India was under the Nanda-Maurya domination and the administrative language was Prakrit, the language of the Northern rulers and the local ruling elite. The common people were alienated and they had no participatory role in the Government. Mahadevan’s brilliant analysis of the situation is one of the crowning achievements of this book.
Copying of cave inscriptions by the author and his team (1992).
Nothing has been written until now, on Tamil Epigraphy, so rewarding and communicating, as this book is. It is a comprehensive in-depth treatise, in which a multi-disciplinary learning of an awesome dimension is much in evidence. Mahadevan brings to bear upon this book, running to 719 pages, his rare insights, cool objectivity, immense patience, intense and rigorous scholarship, backed by a thorough knowledge of Sanskrit, Tamil and Prakrit.
The book, jointly published by Cre-A, Chennai and the Sanskrit Department of Harvard University, U.S., (the first ever book Harvard has issued on Tamil Studies) would go a long way in establishing the historicity and antiquity of Tamil, in the context of the earliest inscriptions found in this ancient language.
Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D., Iravatham Mahadevan, Cre-A, Chennai and the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University, Cambridge, U.S., 2003, Rs. 1,500.
Indira Parthasarathy, well-known Tamil writer, is a retired Professor of Tamil, Delhi University and former Director of the School of Performing Arts, Pondicherry University.
Inscriptions of the Vijayanagar Rulers mattu Old Kannada inscription on a boulder at one of the gateways at Anegundi, Bellary Dt
Inscriptions of the Vijayanagar Rulers
edited by S. H. Ritti (in 5 vols)
B R Gopal
Inscriptions of The Vijayanagara Rulers: Inscriptions of The Rulers of The Sangama Dynasty (1336-1485) is the first of three volumes of Kannada Inscriptions in five parts, prepared under the Inscriptions Programme Planned by the ICHR, Under this Programme, a Committee for the compilation of the Vijayanagara Inscriptions was formed with Dr. Shrinivas Ritti as the Convener and the task of compliing the Kannada Inscriptions was assigned jointly to Dr. Ritti and Dr. B. R. Gopal. They comleted the task with great devotion and submitted their
scholarly work to the ICHR.
The present volume contains as many as 832 inscriptions covering a period from 1339 A.D. to 1494 A. D. Most of the inscriptions are in Kannada language and script, while some of them, particularly, copper plates, are in Sanskrit language and Nagari script. There are a few which are bilingual and bi-scriptal as well. Region-wise, they come from the wholeof the Kannada area
covered by the erstwhile Vijayanagara empire viz., between the Krishna and the Kaveri.
It is well known that Indian historiography, particularly for the early part of it, rests almost entirely on epigraphy, augmented, only to a small extent, by literature. The history of Vijayanagra is no exception.
Many of the inscriptions here, have been utilised by earlier scholars working on different aspects of Vijayanagara history. Nevertheless, their value is not diminished. It is the experience of every epigraphist that with every fresh reading of an inscriptions, new ideas and new interpretations are suggested. These inscriptions provide a variety of rich material and open up new avenues of study. It is hoped that scholats and researchers engaged in Indological studies exploit this material to the fullest extent.
Cover Photo: The Royal Emblem of The Vijayanagara
First published: 2004
Pages : lxxxviii + 304 (Part 1)
Price : Rs. 11000
C. S. Patil
Dr. Channabasappa S. Patil was born on 6 October 1951 in the town of Manvi, Raichur District, Karnataka. He is survived by his wife, Vinoda, his son, his father, and several brothers and sisters. One of his brothers continues to farm the family lands near Manvi; another is on the faculty of Karnatak University in Dharwar.
A hero-stone at Kummata, Bellary Dt
C.S. took his university degrees (BA, two MAs, and PhD) at Karnatak University and the Diploma in Archaeology from the Archaeological Survey of India’s School of Archaeology in New Delhi. His advanced degrees were in Ancient Indian History, Epigraphy, and Archaeology. As his publication record attests, C.S. had a deep commitment to Karnataka archaeology, but he told me on several occasions that he missed being a Professor of French only because he could not find a South Indian PhD program in French when he was in school.
Patil died of a heart attack on 12 October 2001, only a few days after his 50th birthday. He was recovering from jaundice and should have been at home resting, but duty called. C.S. had a strong sense of duty. He suffered his heart attack on the road between Hampi and Mysore and died in the government hospital at Kudligi. At the time of his death, C.S. was Deputy Director of the Karnataka Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, where he had worked for 24 years. He was also Research Associate, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.
C. S. Patil reads an Old Kannada inscription on a boulder to
Dr. Sujata Patil outside one of the gateways at
Anegundi, Bellary Dt.
2001 Sirival: Its Monuments, Sculptures and Inscriptions, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with Balasubramanya).
2000 Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Samputa 5, (Kannada), (Papers presented at the Seminar on Vijayanagara History and Culture at Hampi in 1999), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with M.V. Krishnappa).
1999 Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Samupta 4 (Kannada), (Papers presented at the Seminar on Vijayanagara History and Culture at Hampi in 1998), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with M.V. Krishnappa).
1999 Karnataka Kotegalu, Samputa 1, (Kannada), (Forts of Karnataka, Vol. 1), Kannada University, Hampi.
1998 Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Samupta 3 (Kannada), (Papers presented at the Seminar on Vijayanagara History and Culture at Hampi in 1997), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with M.L. Shivashankara).
1998 Inscriptions of Raichur District, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with Vinoda Patil).
1998 Inscriptions of Koppal District, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, (with Vinoda Patil).
1997 Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Samputa 2 (Kannada), (Papers presented at the Seminar on Vijayanagara History and Culture at Hampi in 1996), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with M.L. Shivashankara).
1997 Kadamba Adhyayana, Samputa 1 (Kannada), (Papers presented at the Seminar on Kadamba History and Culture at Banavasi in 1996), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with M.L. Shivashankara).
1997 Inscriptions of Bellary District, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, (with Vinoda Patil).
1997 Ballari Jilleya Sasanagalu (Kannada), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with Vinoda Patil).
1996 Vijayanagara: Progress of Research, 1988-91, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj).
1996 Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Samputa 1 (Kannada), (Papers presented at the Seminar on Vijayanagara History and Culture at Hampi in 1995), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj).
1996 Vijayanagara (Hampeya) Sasanagalu (Kannada), (Inscriptions at Vijayanagara), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with Vinoda Patil).
1996 Heggadehalli: A Report on Megalithic Excavations: 1995, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj , N.V. Joshi and T.S. Gangadhara).
1996 Art and Architecture in Karnataka (Papers presented at the National Seminar on Archaeology 1985), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj).
1995 Panchatantra in Karnataka Sculptures, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore.
1995 Inscriptions at Vijayanagara (Hampi), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with Vinoda Patil).
1995 Epigraphy, Numismatics and Other Aspects in Karnataka (Papers presented at the National Seminar on Archaeology, 1985), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj).
1994 Karnataka Silpagalalli Panchatantra (Kannada) (Panchatantra in Karnataka Sculptures), Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore.
1993 Narrative Panels from Kadur, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore .
1992 Temples of Raichur and Bellary Districts, Karnataka, 1000-1325 A.D., Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore.
1991 Vijayanagara: Progress of Research, 1987-88, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj).
1991 Vijayanagara: Progress of Research, 1984-87, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore (with D.V. Devaraj).
2003 Chitradurga: A Nayaka Period Successor State in South India. Asian Perspectives 42:267-286. (with Barry Lewis)
2001 “Panchatantra Sculptures in the Somesvara temple at Abbalur,” in Hemakuta: Recent Researches in Archaeology and Museology (Sri C.T.M. Kotraiah Felicitation Volume), (Eds.) A.V.Narasimha Murthy, K.M.Suresh, K.P.Poonacha and K.R.Basavaraj, Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 187-195.
2000 “Two Panchatantra reliefs in the Somesvara temple at Somasila” in Narasimhapriya: Essays on Indian Archaeology, Epigraphy, Numismatics, Art, Architecture, Iconography and Cultural History, (Prof. A.V.N.Murthy Felicitation Volume), (Eds.) I.K. Sharma, D.V.Devaraj and R.Gopal, Sundeep Prakashan, New Delhi, pp. 249-253.
2000 Panchatantra Sculptures and Literary Traditions in India and Indonesia: A Comparative Study. In Narrative Sculpture and Literary Traditions in South and Southeast Asia, (Ed.) Marijke J. Klokke, Leiden, pp. 73-95.
2000 “Kavi Somadevana Eradu Nisidhigalu,” (Kannada), in Itihasa Darshana, Vol. 15, pp. 142-145.
2000 “Chatradahalli mattu Tambrahalliya Bavigalu,” (Kannada) in Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Vol. 5, (Eds.) M.V.Krishnappa and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 47-53.
1999 “Bijapurada Topugalu,” (Kannada), in Itihasa Darshana, Vol. 14/1999, Proceedings of the Twelfth Conference of the Karnataka Itihasa Academy, Bangalore, 1998. pp. 192-197.
1999 “Sri Virupaksha,” (Kannada) in Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Vol. 4, (Eds.) M.V.Krishnappa and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 1-4.
1998 “Hombuja (Humcha)dalliya Panchatantra Silpagalu” (Kannada), in Itihasa Darshana, Vol. 13/1998, Proceedings of the Eleventh Karnataka Itihasa Academy held at Sirsi, October 1997, pp. 57-61.
1998 “Mummadi Singana mele mattashtu belaku” (Kannada) in Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Vol. 3, (Eds) M.L. Shivashankara and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 94-96.
1997 “Bearing of Sculptures on the Panchatantra Texts,” in South Asian Archaeology,1995,( Paper presented in the 13th Conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, 3rd-7th July, 1995, Cambridge), (Eds.) Raymond Allchin and Bridget Allchin, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp. 745-758.
1997 “Araneya Vikramadityana Jaladurgada Sasana” (Kannada), in Itihasa Darshana, Vol. 12/1997, Proceedings of the Tenth Conference of the Karnataka Itihasa Academy held at Dharwar, June 1996, pp. 35-37.
1997 “Hampeya Vithala Devalayadalli Nadeyuttidda Puje mattu Utsavagalu, (Kannada), in Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Vol. 2, (Eds.) M.L. Shivashankara and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 48-53.
1997 “Kadambara Kalada Devalayagalu,” (Kannada), Kadamba Adhyayana, Papers presented at the Kadambotsava, Banavasi, 1996, (Eds.) M.L. Shivashankara and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 35-46.
1996 “Rashtrakuta Art and Architecture” in Gauravam: Recent Researches in Indology (Prof. B.K.Gururaja Rao Felicitation Volume), (Eds.) K.V.Ramesh, V. Shivananda, M.D.Sampath and L.N.Swamy, Harman Publishing House, New Delhi, pp. 242-251.
1996 “New Light on the Date of Coronation of the Vijayanagara king Krishnadevaraya”, in Spectrum of Indian Culture (Prof. S.B.Deo Felicitation Volume), (Eds.) C.Margabandhu and K.S.Ramachandran, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 346-348.
1996 “Epgraphical Studies”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1988-91, (with Balasubramanya), edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 20-23.
1996 “Mudugal Fort and Its Bearing on Vijayanagara Defence System at Vijayanagara”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1988-91, edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 197-211.
1996 “Hosamaledurga”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1988-91, edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 236-242
1996 “Doravadi”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1988-91, edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp.243-247.
1996 “Sasanagalalli Kandante Vijayanagara Pattandada Nirina Vyavasthe”, (Kannada), in Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Vol. 1, edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 62-75.
1996 “Vijayanagarada Smarakagala Samrakshane”, (Kannada), in Vijayanagara Adhyayana, Vol. 1, edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 4-19.
1996 “Ageless wonders”, in Cheluva Kannada Nadu, edited by Sunita Budhiraja, Hyderabad, pp. 23-27.
1996 “Gangavatarana in Sculptures”, in Art and Architecture in Karnataka, edited by D.V.Devaraj and Channabasappa S.Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 55-62.
1996 “Gangavathi Talukina Sasanagalu”, in Kayaka Siri, Lim. Sri. Channabasavami Suvarna Mahotsava Smarana Sanchike, Gangavathi, pp. 5-8.
1996 “The Panchatantra Sculptures in the Tripuranatakesvara Temple at Balligave, Karnataka” in Facets of Indian Civilization – Recent Perspectives – (Essays in Honour of Prof. B.B.Lal), (Eds.) Jagat Pati Joshi, New Delhi, pp. 408-415.
1996 “Kale mattu vastusilpa” in Karnataka Charitre (A.D. 1336-1760), Vol. 3, K.S.Shivanna (Ed.), Kannada University, Hampi, pp. 357-378.
1995 “Defence System at Vijayanagara,” in Krishnasmrti: Studies in Indian Art and Archaeology, Prof. K.D. Bajpai Commemoration Volume, (Eds.) R.K. Sharma and R.C. Agrawal, Aryan Books International, New Delhi, pp. 237-243.
1995 “Mahanada Prabhugala Kotekottalagalu,” in Mahanadu Prabhugalu: Bijjavara – Madhugiri Arasumanetanagalu, (Kannada), (Eds) K.R. Basavaraju and S. Parashiva Murthy, Nolamba Veerashaiva Sangha, Bangalore, pp. 72-78.
1995 “Mahadeva Temple at Ittagi, Raichur District”, in the Quarterly Journal of the Mythic Society, Bangalore, Vol. LXXXVI, pp. 51-70.
1995 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 19. Badami Kote,” in Diksoochi, January 1995, Bangalore, pp. 34-35
1995 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 20. Chitradurga Kote,” in Diksoochi, February 1995, Bangalore, pp. 32-33.
1995 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 21. Bijapura Kote,” in Diksoochi, March 1995, Bangalore, pp. 35-37.
1995 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 22. Kabbaladurga,” in Diksoochi, April 1995, Bangalore, pp. 32-33.
1995 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 23. Channarayadurga,” in Diksoochi, May 1995, Bangalore, pp. 34-35.
1995 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 24. Midigeshi Kote,” in Diksoochi, June 1995, Bangalore, pp. 32-33.
1995 “Hoysalalarige Giridurgamalla mattu Sanivarasiddhi Birudugalannitta Uchchangidurga,” in Itihasa Darsana, Vol. 10, Proceedings of the Eighth Conference of the Karnataka Itihasa Academy, held at Sandur, 1994, pp. 157-160.
1995 “A Rare Bronze of Bhikshatanamurti from Agara,” in Nagabhinandanam (Dr. M.S.Nagaraja Rao Festschrift), Essays on Art, Culture, History, Archaeology, Epigraphy and Conservation of Cultural Property of India and Neighbouring Countries, (Eds.) L.K. Srinivasan and S.Nagaraju, Bangalore, pp. 423-426.
1995 “Watgal Excavations: an Interim Report,” in Man and Environment, Vol. XX, No. 2, (with D.V. Devaraj, Jim G. Shaffer and Balasubramanya), pp. 57-74.
1995 “Tipu Sultanana Khadgagalu”, in Itihasa Darshana, Vol. 11, Proceedings of the Ninth Conference of the Karnataka Itihasa Academy held at Belgaum, Sept. 1995, pp. 97-99.
1994 “Namma Jilleya Itihasa Samshodhanegalu,” (Kannada) in Honnasiri, Nenapina Sanchike, Rayachuru Jilla 3neya Kannada Sahitya Sammelana – Sindhanur, edited by Shashwata Swamy Mukkundimatha, pp. 66-70.
1994 “Balligaveyalli Panchatantrada Muru Katha Silpagala Sodha,” (Kannada) in Itihasa Darshana, Vol. 9, Proceedings of the Seventh Conference of the Karnataka Itihasa Academy held at Mysore in 1993, Eds. Suryanath Kamath and Devarakonda Reddy, Bangalore, pp. 108-111.
1994 “Rayachuru Jilleya Itihasa – Ondu Avalokana,” in Ravindra Kirana, Souvenir of Sita Subbaraju Memorial College, Raichur, pp.43-45.
1994 “Hadinadu Arasumanetana,” in Veerashaiva Arasu Manetanagala Adhyayana (Poojya Shri Chennaveeraswamiji of Sarangamatha, Sindagi, Birth Centenary Commemoration Volume), edited by M.M. Kalaburgi, Sindagi, pp. 159-172.
1994 “Vijayanagara Samrajya mattu Navaratri,” in Navaratri: Dasara Mahotsava Savisanchike 1994, Mysore pp. 14-27.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 7. Manjarabad Kote”, in Diksoochi, January 1994, Bangalore, pp. 34-35.
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1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 12. Hutridurga” in Diksoochi, June 1994, Bangalore, pp. 30-31.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 13. Huliyurudurga”, in Diksoochi, July 1994, Bangalore, pp. 42-43.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 14. Maisuru Kote”, in Diksoochi, August 1994, Bangalore, pp. 32-34.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 15. Banavasi Kote”, in Diksoochi, September 1994, Bangalore, pp. 34-35.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 16. Hanagallu Kote”, in Diksoochi, October 1994, Bangalore, pp. 38-39.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 17. Uchchangidurga”, in Diksoochi, November 1994, Bangalore, pp. 38-39.
1994 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 18. Madhugiri Kote”, in Diksoochi, December 1994, Bangalore, pp. 34-35.
1994 “Ithihasa”, in Ededorenadu Utsava Smarana Sanchike, Raichur, pp. 5.1-5.6.
1994 “Devalayagalu”, in Ededorenadu Utsava Smarana Sanchike, Raichur, pp. 7.1-7.17.
1994 “Kotegalu,” in Ededorenadu Utsava Smarana Sanchike, Raichur, pp. 1.1-1,11.
1994 “Sasanagalu,” in Ededorenadu Utsava Smarana Sanchike, Raichur, pp. 3.1-3.4.
1993 “A Portrait Sculpture of Ahavamalla (Chalukya Somesvara I) at Kuruvatti” in Sri Ramachandrika (Professor Oruganti Ramachandraiya Festschrift): Essays on Indian Archaeology, History, Epigraphy, Numismatics, Art and Religion, Vol. II, edited by A.V.N. Murthy and I.K. Sharma, Book India Publishing Co., Delhi, pp. 287-292.
1993 “Kere-Bavi-Kote-Kottalagalu” (Kannada), Hadinadu Virasaiva Arasu Manetana, edited by S. Vidyashankar, Sri. Sarpabhushana Sivayogisvara Matha, Bangalore, pp. 133-140.
1993 “Karnataka the Land of Temples” in Fifty fourth Session of the Indian History Congress, Souvenir Volume, Mysore University, Mysore, pp. 50-54.
1993 “The Panchatantra Stories in Karnataka Sculptures” in Journal of Historical Studies, Special Issue, 54th Session of Indian History Congress, University of Mysore, Mysore, pp. 48-51.
1993 “Krishnadevaraya Pattabhishiktanada Dinankada Nirdhara”, in Diksoochi, June 1993, Bangalore, pp. 32-33.
1993 “Matanaduva Kotegalu (Forts which speak): 1. Vijayanagara kote”, in Diksoochi (Kannada Monthly Magazine), July 1993, Bangalore, pp. 30-32.
1993 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 2. Kummatadurga,” in Diksoochi, August 1993, Bangalore, pp.30-31.
1993 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 3. Mudugallu kote,” in Diksoochi, September 1993, Bangalore, pp. 26-27.
1993 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 4. Rayachuru kote”, in Diksoochi, October 1993, Bangalore, pp. 28-29.
1993 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 5. Hoysalara Halebidu kote,” in Diksoochi, November 1993, Bangalore, pp. 28-29.
1993 “Matanaduva Kotegalu: 6. Srirangapattana kote,” in Diksoochi, December 1993, Bangalore, pp. 28-29.
1991 “Epigraphical Studies”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1984-87, edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 19-70, (with Balasubramanya).
1991 “Temple Architectural Terms in Vijayanagara Inscriptions”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1984-87, edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 167-173.
1991 “Malige-Kupa-Arama at Malapanagudi”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1984-87, edited by edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 177-182.
1991 “Further Epigraphical References to City Gates and Watch Towers of Vijayanagara”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1984-87, edited by D. V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 191-194.
1991 “Epigraphical Studies: Anegondi Copper Plates” in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1987-88, edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 15-34.
1991 “Pre-Vijayanagara Temples at Hampi”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1987-88, edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 113-142.
1991 “Mummadi Singa, Kampila and Kumara Rama”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1987-88, edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 179-198.
1991 “Kummata” in Vijayanagara Progress of Research 1987-88, edited by D.V. Devaraj and Channabasappa S. Patil, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 199-216.
1987 “Portrait Sculptures in Mahadeva temple at Ittagi”, in Kusumanjali: New Interpretation of Indian Art & Culture (Sh. C. Sivaramamurti Commemoration Volume), edited by the M.S. Nagaraja Rao, Agam Kala Prakashan, Delhi, pp. 311-314.
1985 “Palace Architecture at Vijayanagara: Recent Excavations”, in Vijayanagara: City and Empire, edited by A.L. Dallapiccola and S.Zingel-Ave Lallement, South Asia Institute, Heidelberg, pp. 229-239.
1985 “Epigraphical Studies”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1983-84, edited by M.S.Nagaraja Rao, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp.21-53, (with M.S.Nagaraja Rao).
1985 “Epigraphical References to City Gates and Watch Towers of Vijayanagara”, Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1983-84, edited by M.S.Nagaraja Rao, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 96-100, (with M.S.Nagaraja Rao).
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1983 “Krishna Temple”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1979-83, edited by M.S.Nagaraja Rao, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 61-63.
1983 “Door Guardians of Vijayanagara City”, in Vijayanagara: Progress of Research 1979- 83, edited by M.S.Nagaraja Rao, Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Mysore, pp. 66-67.
1983 “Piprav”, in Kannada Visvakosa, Vol.11, University of Mysore, Mysore, p. 69.
1983 “Porkalam”, in Kannada Visvakosa, Vol.11, University of Mysore, Mysore, p. 250.
1983 “Pauni”, in Kannada Visvakosa, Vol.11, University of Mysore, Mysore, pp. 281-282.
1983 “Fleet John Faithful”, in Kannada Visvakosa, Vol.11, University of Mysore, Mysore, p. 758.
Kannada (р▓.р▓ир│Нр▓ир▓б Kannaс╕Нa) is one of the major Dravidian languages of India, spoken predominantly in the southern state of Karnataka. It is the 27th most spoken language in the world, with native speakers called Kannadigas (р▓.р▓ир│Нр▓ир▓бр▓┐р▓Чр▓░р│Б Kannadigaru) numbering roughly around 35 million. It is one of the Official languages of India and the official and administrative language of the state of Karnataka.
Kannada is attested to by one of the earliest epigraphies in India. The first written record in the Kannada language is traced to Emperor Ashoka‘s Brahmagiri edict dated 230 BC. At present, a committee of scholars is seeking a classical language tag for Kannada based on its antiquity.
The Kannada language is written using the Kannada script. The other native languages of Karnataka, Tulu, Kodava Takk and Konkani are also written using the Kannada script. Contemporary Kannada literature is the most successful in India, with India’s highest literary honor, the Jnanpith awards, having been conferred seven times upon Kannada writers, which is the highest for any language in India.
History and development
Kannada is one of the oldest Dravidian languages with an antiquity of at least 2000 years. The spoken language is said to have separated from its proto-Dravidian source earlier than Tamil and about the same time as Tulu. However, the archaeological evidence would indicate a written tradition for this language of around 1600 years. The initial development of the Kannada language is similar to that of other Dravidian languages and independent of Sanskrit. During later centuries, Kannada, along with other Dravidian languages like Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam, etc., has been greatly influenced by Sanskrit in terms of vocabulary, grammar and literary styles.
The first written record in the Kannada language is traced to Emperor Ashoka‘s Brahmagiri edict dated 230 BC. The first example of a full-length Kannada language stone inscription (shilashaasana) containing Brahmi characters with charateristics resembling those of Tamil in Hale Kannada (Old Kannada) script can be found in the Halmidi inscription, dated c. 450 CE, indicating that Kannada had become an administrative language by this time. Over 30,000 inscriptions written in the Kannada language have been discovered so far. The Chikkamagaluru inscription of 500 CE is another example. Prior to the Halmidi inscription, there is an abundance of inscriptions containing Kannada words, phrases and sentences, proving its antiquity. The 543 CE Badami cliff inscription of Pulakesi I is an example of a Sanskrit inscription in Hale Kannada script.
Copper plates and Manuscripts
Examples of early Sanskrit-Kannada bilingual copper plate inscriptions (tamarashaasana) are the Tumbula inscriptions of the Western Ganga Dynasty dated 444 CE. The earliest full-length Kannada copper plates in Old Kannada script (early eighth century CE) belongs to the Alupa King Aluvarasa II from Belmannu, South Kanara district and displays the double crested fish, his royal emblem. The oldest well-preserved palm leaf manuscript is in Old Kannada and is that of Dhavala, dated to around the ninth century, preserved in the Jain Bhandar, Mudbidri, Dakshina Kannada district. The manuscript contains 1478 leaves written using ink.
Influence on other cultures and languages
7th century Old Kannada inscription on Chandragiri hill, Shravanabelagola
The influence of Old Kannada on the language of the Tamil-Brahmi inscriptions from the second century BCE to the sixth century CE has been brought to light through observations made using grammatical and lexical analysis. The 9th century writing Kavirajamarga refers to the entire area between the Kaveri River and the Godavari River as Kannada country, implying that the language was popular farther north in present-day Maharashtra. Owing to its popularity in modern Maharashtra during medieval times, Kannada has had an influence on the neighbouring Gujarati language as well. The Charition mime, a Greek drama discovered at Oxyrhynchus and dated to the second century CE or earlier, contains scenes where Indian characters in the skit speak dialogue which appears to be in Kannada. Prior to and during the early Christian era, the Kannada-speaking cultural area seems to have had close trade ties with the Greek and Roman empires of the West. Greek dramatists of the fourth century BCE, particularly Euripides and Aristophanes, appear to have been familiar with the Kannada language. This is evident in their usage of Kannada words and phrases in their dramas and skits.
Kannada inscriptions were not only discovered in Karnataka but also quite commonly in Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. Some inscriptions were also found in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat. As an example, the inscription at Jura 964 CE (Jabalpur), belonging to the reign of Rashtrakuta Krishna III, is regarded as an epigraphical landmark of classical Kannada literary composition, with charming poetic diction in polished Kannada metre. This indicates the spread of the influence of the language over the ages, especially during the rule of large Kannada empires. Because of coexistance with Kannada, Tulu, Kodava, Sankethi, and Konkani have also borrowed many words from Kannada.
Some early Kadamba Dynasty coins bearing the Kannada inscription Vira and Skandha were found in Satara collectorate. A gold coin bearning three inscriptions of Sri and an abbreviated inscription of king Bhagiratha’s name called bhagi (390-420 CE) in old Kannada exists. Recent discovery of a copper coin dated to the fifth century CE in Banavasi, Uttara Kannada district with the inscription Srimanaragi in Kannada script proves that Kannada had become an official language by the time of the Kadambas of Banavasi. Coins with Kannada legends have been discovered spanning the rule of the Western Ganga Dynasty, the Badami Chalukyas, the Alupas, the Western Chalukyas, the Rashtrakutas, the Hoysalas, the Vijayanagar Empire, the Kadamba Dynasty of Banavasi, the Keladi Nayakas and the Mysore Kingdom, the Badami Chalukya coins being a recent discovery. The coins of the Kadambas of Goa are unique in that they have alternate inscription of the king’s name in Kannada and Devanagari in triplicate, a few coins of the Kadambas of Hangal are also available.
Phases of evolution
The written Kannada language has come under various religious and social influences in its 1600 years of known existence. Linguists generally divide the written form into four broad phases.
Poorvada Halegannada or Pre-ancient Kananda
This is the language of Halmidi scripture known to be from the fifth century CE. From available epigraphical evidence it can be concluded that the spoken Kannada language evolved much earlier than that of the Halmidi inscription. The language of the Halmidi inscription is said to be highly Sanskritized.
Halegannada or Ancient Kannada
From the ninth to fourteenth centuries CE, Kannada works were classified under Old Kannada. In this period Kannada showed a high level of maturity as a language of original literature. Mostly Jain and Saivite poets produced works in this period. This period saw the growth of Jain puranas and Virashaiva Vachana Sahitya or simply vachana, a unique and native form of literature which was the summary of contributions from all sections of society. Early Brahminical works also emerged from the eleventh century. By the tenth century Kannada had seen its greatest poets, such as Pampa, Sri Ponna and Ranna, and its great prose writings such as the Vaddaradhane of Shivakotiacharya, indicating that a considerable volume of classical prose and poetry in Kannada had come into existence a few centuries before Kavirajamarga. Among existing landmarks in Kannada grammar, Nagavarma II‘s Karnataka-bhashabhushana (1145) and Kesiraja’s Sabdamanidarpana (1260) are the oldest.
Nadugannada or Middle Kannada
In the period between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries CE, Brahmanical Hinduism had a great influence on Kannada language and literature. Non-brahmin Hindu saints like Kanakadasa and Brahminical saints of the Vaishnava sect such as Purandaradasa, Naraharitirtha, Vyasatirtha, Sripadaraya, Vadirajatirtha, Vijaya Dasa, Jagannathadasa, etc., produced devotional poems in this period. Kanakadasa’s Ramadhanya Charite is a rare work, concerning itself with the issue of class struggle. This period saw the advent of Haridasa Sahitya which made rich contributions to bhakti literature and sowed the seeds of Carnatic music.
Hosagannada or Modern Kannada
The Kannada works produced by the end of the nineteenth century and later are classified as Hosagannada or Modern Kannada. However, till the beginning of the twentieth century there were Kannada literary works that could still be classified under the heading of Middle Kannada. Most notable among them are the poet Muddana’s works. His works may be described as the “Dawn of Modern Kannada”. Generally, linguists treat Indira Bai or Saddharma Vijayavu by Gulvadi Venkata Raya as the first literary works in Modern Kannada.
Literature and poetry
- Kannada American
- Languages of India
- List of national languages of India
- List of Indian languages by total speakers
- Bangalore kannada
- Kannada literature
- Karnataka literature – A list of famous Kannada scholars and their works.
- Kannada language Wikipedia
- ^ a b c Languages Spoken by More Than 10 Million People. Encarta.
- ^ Top 30 languages of the world. Vistawide.
- ^ The Karnataka Official Language Act. Official website of Department of Parliamentary Affairs and Legislation. Government of Karnataka. Retrieved on 2007-06-29.
- ^ a b c Declare Kannada a classical language. Online webpage of The Hindu. The Hindu. Retrieved on 2007-06-29.
- ^ Awardees detail for the Jnanpith Award. Official website of Bharatiya Jnanpith. Bharatiya Jnanpith. Retrieved on 2007-06-29.
- ^ Kamath (2001), pp5-6
- ^ Purava HaleGannada or Pre-old Kannada was the language of Banavasi in the early Christian era, the Satavahana and Kadamba eras (Wilks in Rice, B.L. (1897), p490)
- ^ a b c Sri K. Appadurai. The place of Kannada and Tamil in Indias national culture. Copyright INTAMM. 1997. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ a b Indira Parathasarathy. Records and revelations. Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D., Iravatham Mahadevan. The Hindu, Sunday, August 3, 2003. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ a b Iravatham Mahadevan. Early Tamil Epigraphy from the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century AD. Harvard University Press. Retrieved on 2007-04-12.
- ^ A family tree of Dravidian languages. Sourced from Encyclopaedia Britannica.
- ^ Kittel (1993), p1-2
- ^ “Literature in all Dravidian languages owes a great deal to Sanskrit, the magic wand whose touch raised each of the languages from a level of patois to that of a literary idiom”. (Sastri 1955, p309)
- ^ Takahashi, Takanobu. 1995. Tamil love poetry and poetics. BrillтАЩs Indological library, v. 9. Leiden: E.J. Brill, p16,18
- ^ “The author endeavours to demonstrate that the entire Sangam poetic corpus follows the “Kavya” form of Sanskrit poetry”-Tieken, Herman Joseph Hugo. 2001. K─Бvya in South India: old Tamil Caс╣Еkam poetry. Groningen: Egbert Forsten
- ^ The word Isila found in the Ashokan inscription (called the Brahmagiri edict from Karnataka) meaning to shoot an arrow is a Kannada word, indicating that Kannada was a spoken language in the third century BCE (Dr. D.L. Narasimhachar in Kamath 2001, p5)
- ^ Ramesh (1984), p10
- ^ Encyclopaedia of Indian literature vol. 2, Sahitya Akademi (1988), p1717
- ^ A report on Halmidi inscription, Muralidhara Khajane. Halmidi village finally on the road to recognition. The Hindu, Monday, November 3, 2003. The Hindu. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ Kamath (2001), p10
- ^ Staff Reporter. Press demand for according classical status to Kannada. The Hindu, Monday, April 17, 2006. The Hindu. Retrieved on 2007-06-29.
- ^ Narasimhacharya (1988), p6
- ^ Rice (1921), p13
- ^ Kamath (2001), p58
- ^ Azmathulla Shariff. Badami: Chalukyans’ magical transformation. Spectrum, Deccan Herald, Tuesday, July 26, 2005. Deccan Herald. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ In bilingual inscriptions the formulaic passages stating origin myths, geneologies, titles of kings and benedictions tended to be in Sanskrit, while the actual terms of the grant such as information on the land or village granted, its boundaries, the participation of local authorities, the rights and obligations of the grantee, taxes and dues and other local concerns were in the local language. The two languages of many such inscriptions were Sanskrit and the regional language such as Tamil or Kannada (Thapar 2003, pp393-394)
- ^ N. Havalaiah. Ancient inscriptions unearthed. The Hindu, Saturday, January 24, 2004. The Hindu. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ Gururaj Bhat in Kamath (2001), p97
- ^ a b Mukerjee, Shruba. Preserving voices from the past. Deccan Herald, Sunday, August 21, 2005. Sunday Herald. Retrieved on 2007-04-11.
- ^ K.N. Venkatasubba Rao. Kannada likely to get classical tag. The Hindu, Wednesday, October 4, 2006. The Hindu. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ Sastri (1955), p355
- ^ Rice, E.P. (1921), p12
- ^ a b Rice, B.L. (1897), p497
- ^ Masica (1991), pp45-46
- ^ Dr. Hultzsch, E. (1904), “Remarks on a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1904: 399-405
- ^ Shama Sastry, M. Govinda Pai and B.A. Saletore argued that the language was indeed Kannada, whereas Dr. Barnett rejected this idea. (Kamath 2001, p5)
- ^ Dr. Shama Shastry, N. Lakshminarayana Rao. Indian Inscriptions, South Indian Inscriptions – vol 9. Archaeological Survey of India. What Is India Publishers (P) Ltd. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ Inscriptions, place names and manuscripts prove that regions such as Kolhapur and Sholapur were at one time Kannada-speaking areas, where Marathi is now spoken.Rice E.P..  History of Kannada literature, 2nd edition (revised)]. Google. Google Book Search. Retrieved on 2007-06-29., p12
- ^ Kannada was an administrative language in Devagiri (present day Daulatabad), the Seuna capital, from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries CE. (Srinivas Ritti & O.P. Varma in Kamath 2001, p137)
- ^ The famous Kanchi Kailasanatha temple inscriptions of Chalukya Vikramaditya II, inscribed after the capture of Kanchipuram (K.V. Ramesh 1984, pp159-161)
- ^ The inscriptions of Rashtrakuta Krishna III on a victory pillar at Rameshvaram describing his victories against the Cholas, Pandyas and Keralas and the tributes he received from the King of Ceylon. (Kamath 2001, p83)
- ^ The princes of the Gujarat line hailing from the Rashtrakuta family signed their Sanskrit records in Kannada, examples of which are the Navasari and Baroda plates of Karka I and the Baroda records of Dhruva II (D.R. Bhandarkar in Kamath 2001, p73)
- ^ Kamath (2001), p83
- ^ The coins are preserved at the Archaaeological Section, Prince of Wales Museum of Western India, Mumbai – Kundangar and Moraes in Moraes (1931), p382
- ^ The coin is preserved at the Indian Historical Research Institute, St. Xavier’s College, Mumbai – Kundangar and Moraes in Moraes (1931), p382
- ^ Dr Gopal, director, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History. 5th century copper coin discovered at Banavasi. Hindu, Monday, February 6, 2006. The Hindu. Retrieved on 2007-10-18.
- ^ Kamath (2001), p12, p57
- ^ Govindaraya Prabhu, S. Indian coins-Dynasties of South. Prabhu’s Web Page On Indian Coinage, November 1, 2001. Retrieved on 2006-11-27.
- ^ Harihariah Oruganti-Vice-President, Madras Coin Society. Vijayanagar Coins-Catalogue. Retrieved on 2006-11-27.
- ^ This shows that the native vernacular of the Goa Kadambas was Kannada – Moraes (1931), p384
- ^ Two coins of the Hangal Kadambas are preserved at the Royal Asiatic Society, Mumbai, one with the Kannada inscription Saarvadhari and other with Nakara. Moraes (1931), p385
- ^ a b Jyotsna Kamat. History of the Kannada Literature – I. Kamat’s Potpourri, November 4,2006. Kamat’s Potpourri. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ The earliest cultivators of Kannada literature were Jain scholars (Narasimhacharya 1988, p17)
- ^ More than two hundred contemporary Vachana poets have been recorded (Narasimhacharya 1988, p20)
- ^ Sastri (1955), p361
- ^ Durgasimha, who wrote the Panchatantra, and Chandraraja, who wrote the Madanakatilaka, were early Brahmin writers in the eleventh century under Western Chalukya King Jayasimha II (Narasimhacharya 1988, p19)
- ^ Sastri (1955), p355
- ^ Sastri (1955), p359
- ^ Narasimhacharya (1988), p19
- ^ Sastri (1955), pp364-365
- ^ The writing exalts the grain Ragi above all other grains that form the staple foods of much of modern Karnataka (Sastri 1955, p365
- ^ Kamath (2001), p67
- ^ Sastri (1955), p355
- ^ Kamath (2001), p90
- ^ Jyotsna Kamat. History of the Kannada Literature-I. Kamat’s Potpourri, November 4, 2006. Kamat’s Potpourri. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- ^ Sastri (1955), p355
- ^ Sastri (1955), p356
- ^ The seventeenth-century Kannada grammarian Bhattakalanka wrote about the Chudamani as a milestone in the literature of the Kannada language (Sastri (1955), p355)
- ^ Narasimhacharya (1988), pp 4-5
- ^ 6th century Sanskrit poet Dandin praised Srivaradhadeva’s writing as “having produced Saraswati from the tip of his toungue, just as Shiva produced the Ganges from the tip of his top knot (Rice E.P., 1921, p27)
- ^ Kamath (2001), p50, p67
- ^ The author and his work were praised by the latter-day poet Durgasimha of 1025 CE (Narasimhacharya 1988, p18.)
- ^ Sastri (1955), pp361-2
- ^ Narasimhacharya (1988), p20
- ^ Sastri (1955), p361
- ^ Sastri (1955), p364
- ^ Moorthy, Vijaya (2001). Romance of the Raga. Abinav publications, p67. .
- ^ Iyer (2006), p93
- ^ Sastri (1955), p365
- ^ Rice, Edward. P (1921), “A History of Kanarese Literature”, Oxford University Press, 1921: 14-15
- ^ See http://baraha.com/
- ^ http://quillpad.in/kannada
- ^ Manjulakshi & Bhat. Kannada Dialect Dictionaries and Dictionaries in Subregional Languages of Karnataka. Language in India, Volume 5 : 9 September 2005. Central Institute of Indian Languages, University of Mysore. Retrieved on 2007-04-11.
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- Halmidi village finally on the road to recognition, Muralidhara Khajane. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- Declare Kannada a classical language, Staff reporter. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- THE PLACE OF KANNADA AND TAMIL IN INDIAS NATIONAL CULTURE. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- History of the Kannada Literature, Dr. Jyotsna Kamat. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- Badami: Chalukyans’ magical transformation, Azmathulla Shariff. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- 5th century copper coin discovered at Banavasi, Dr. Gopal. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- Records and revelations, Indira Parathasarathy. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- Ancient inscriptions unearthed, N. Havalaiah. Retrieved on 2006-11-25.
- Indian inscriptions-South Indian inscriptions, Vol 20, 18, 17, 15, 11 and 9, Archaeological survey of India, What Is India Publishers (P) Ltd. Retrieved on 2006-11-16.
Kadamba Kula: A History of Ancient and Medieval Karnataka by George Moraes
Chandrapura – Page 213
Hangal – Page 128
Haveri – Page 302
Belur – Page 378
Belgaum – Page 193
Honavar – Page 215
Sirsi – Page 157
Birur – Page 41
HAVERI-District-Tourist Places-THE HISTORY OF TEGGINAMATH-BADA Village-KANAKADASA-KAGINELE-Kaginele Kanaka Guru Peetha-Hallikere-Motebennur
Before it was made a separate district, it was part of Dharwad District. Haveri District is 335 km from Bangalore. Bada village where the greatest of all Saints Kanakadasa was born is situated in the district. Today Mutt dedicated to this great saint is located in Kaginele Village called the Shri Kaginele Kanaka Guru Peetha. The freedom fighter Mailara Mahadevappa, who resisted British rule, is from Motebennur in Haveri District. Another freedom fighter Gudleppa Hallikere a native of Hosaritti is also from this district. He started a residential school Gandhi Grameen Gurukul in Hosaritti. Konanahalli Family has been a model in terms of education, as many from that family have become architects, lawyers, medical doctors and engineers in India and abroad.
Tourist Places of Haveri
Haveri district is exactly in the center of Karnataka with equal distance from Bidar in the far north to Kollegal in the far south. It is also known as the gateway district to the northern districts of Karnataka. Total population is 1,439,116 of which 299022 live in urban and 1140096 in rural area.
Haveri district has a very rich culture and tradition. The district is proud to be the birth place of Santa Shishunala Sharif, great saint Kanakadasaru, Sarvagnya, Hanagal Kumara Shivayogigalu, Wagish Panditaru, Writer Galaganatharu, Ganayogi Panchakshari Gavayigalu, Gnyana Peetha Awardee Dr.V.K.Gokak and many more. The freedom fighter Mailara Mahadevappa, who resisted British rule, is from Motebennur in Haveri District. Another freedom fighter Gudleppa Hallikere a native of Hosaritti is also from this district. He started a residential school Gandhi Grameen Gurukul in Hosaritti.
Haveri district along with Gadag district was earlier part of undivided Dharwad district. Owing to the demands of the people Haveri district was carved out of old Dharwad district and was formed on 24.08.1997.
History of Haveri district dates to pre-historic period. Evidences are available on existence of pre-historic civilizations on the Tungabhadra and Varada river basins. Stone carvings depicting Stone Age civilizations are found in many parts of the district. About 1300 stone writings of different rulers like Chalukyas, Rastrakutas are found in the district. Though none of the major kingdoms of Karnataka had their headquarters in Haveri, many Mandaliks ruled in this district.
Bankapura Challaketaru, Guttavula Guttaru, Kadamba of Hanagal and Nurumbad are some of the well known Samanta Rulers. Devendramunigalu the teacher of Kannada Adikavi Pampa and Ajitasenacharya the teacher of Ranna Chavundaray lived in Bankapura. This was also the second capital of Hoysala Vishnuvardhana. Guttaru ruled during latter part of 12th century and up to end of 13th century from Guttavol (Guttal) village as Mandaliks of Chalukya, independently for some time and as Mandaliks of Sevuns of Devagiri. Shasanas found in Choudapur, a village near Guttal, reveal that Mallideva was Mandalika of 6th Vikramaditya of Chalukyas. Jatacholina, under the leadership of Mallideva built the Mukteshwar temple at Choudapur. Kadambas of Nurumbad during the period of Kalyana Chalukyas ruled about 100 villages with Rattihalli as their capital. Kadambeshwar temple at Rattihalli is a beautiful Chalukya style temple.
All these Samantas who ruled from different parts of the district have left their permanent evidences in the history of the district. Many beautiful temples like Tarakeshwar at Hanagal, Kadambeshwar at Rattihalli, Someshwar at Haralahalli, Nagareshwar at Bankapur, Mukteshwar at Choudapur, Siddheshwar at Haveri, Eeshwar at Galaganath, Jain Basadi at Yalavatti depict the rich culture and history of the district.
THE HISTORY OF TEGGINAMATH The history of Tegginamath is as old as the rule of palayagars of Vijayanagara empire. The historians opine that during the rule of palayagars, the Math and Veerabhadreshwara temple were in exiestence to the right side of Kalamma temple at the present location of ruined fort.
The history of Tegginamath is as old as the rule of palayagars of Vijayanagara empire. The historians opine that during the rule of palayagars, the Math and Veerabhadreshwara temple were in exiestence to the right side of Kalamma temple at the present location of ruined fort. In the later period, the Math was shifted to the place where it is existed now. As Tegginamath was patronized by famous palayagars, it was also know as SAMSTHANAMATH. The palayagars had great reverence to the pontiffs of Tegginamath. They were spiritual guides to palayagars. The original name of Tegginamath is Hiremath. As math is in the pit, it came to be known as Tegginamath. speaking on an occasion. Shri. Jagadguru veeragangadhara swamiji of Rambapuripeetha causally remarked, “math is in the pit, The pit is symbol of depth of knowledge. Shri Tegginamath has a great tradition of being a sakha Math of Shri. Madrambhapuripeetha of Belehonnur, which is one among the panchpeethas of veerashaiva The Math has a legacy of hereditary succession (Puthravarga heredity).
The branchas of Tegginamath are in Nagathibasapur, Koilaragatti, Bhavanipethe and Gouripura. Thera are tomb-monuments of former religious enlightenment. Among those former religious heads, the documentary evidences of Shri. Kashaiah swamy, Shri. Channaveera swamy Shri. Gurubasava swamy and Shri. Chandrashekhara swamy are available. the religious heads of these Maths had a glowing account of their spiritual and social commitment. They had the reputation of patronizing art, culture, music and astrology and maintaining continual Annadasoha (offering )of free food) right from the days of palayagars till today.
Bodhaka – Sadhaka
Swamiji’s illustrious career began with a teaching profession. He gracefully accepted Shri. Sharanabasappa Appa’s offer to work as lecturer in Philosophy in Sharanabasaweshwara College, Gulbarga of Sharana basaweshwara Samsthe in 1964. He was the head of the depertment of Philosophy and then Reader during 1970. He worked to the fullest satisfaction of Shri. Sharanabasappa Appa his co-mate in Philosophy. He recognising his services worthrecording and commendable, respectfully recommended him to Shri. Vageesha Panditharadya of Shrishail peetha to make use of his services in his Vidya Peetha. Shri. Chandramoulishwara gratefully responded to the call of Shri. Vageesha Panditharadya to work as the founder principal of S.J.V.P. College of Harihar during 1970-72. Swamiji entrusted with positions of greater responsibility, worked hard for the allround development of the institution. Thus, he provided a firm footing to the institution of Shrishailpeetha. He was a visionary. While working at Gulbarga and Harihar, his dream of making Harapanahalli a seat of learning was fully taking shape in his mind. As a result, he gave birth to Shri. Tegginamath Arts and Education Society in 1969. Thus he sacrificed his earlier profession to fulfill his life-mission in the field of religion and education. He descended down to Harapanahalli as a messaih of Shri. Chandrashekhara swamy to shape its destiny. As a step towards a big leap in the field of education Swamiji started Teacher’s Training Institute (T.C.H.) in Harapanahalli during 1970-71. The first offspring of Shri. Tegginamath Arts and Education Society at the foot of famous Gosavi hills. The People of Harapanahalli welcomed it as an oasis in the desert. So is the life of Yogi-begins as bodhaka and ends as Sadaka.
A Public Health Care Information System Using GIS and GPS: A Case Study of Shiggaon
|Book Series||Lecture Notes in Geoinformation and Cartography|
|Book||GIS for Health and the Environment|
|Publisher||Springer Berlin Heidelberg|
|ISBN||978-3-540-71317-3 (Print) 978-3-540-71318-0 (Online)|
|Subject Collection||Earth and Environmental Science|
|SpringerLink Date||Thursday, October 04, 2007|
|Lecture Notes in Geoinformation and Cartography|
|GIS for Health and the Environment
Development in the Asia-Pacific Region With 110 Figures
|Poh C. Lai and Ann S. H. Mak|
Ashok Hanjagi3, Priya Srihari4 and A.S. Rayamane5
|(3)||Department of Geography & Geoinformatics, Bangalore University, Bangalore-56, India|
|(4)||Department of Geography & Geoinformatics, Bangalore University, Bangalore-56, India|
|(5)||Department of Geography & Geoinformatics, Bangalore University, Bangalore-56, India|
Health data maps and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are significant resources for health planning and health services delivery, particularly at the local level. The ability to visualize the spatial distribution of health status determinants and indicators can be a powerful resource for mobilizing community action to improve the health of residents. Currently, health data maps and other GIS applications tend to be highly technical and specialized, and are therefore of limited use to community members and organizations providing community-based health services. Developing relevant, accessible, and usable GIS and health data maps for communities and local agencies is an important step towards enabling individuals and communities to improve their health and increase their control over it. The final map was prepared by overlaying all the layers generated. The spatial objects were digitized out of LISS and PAN merged data and topomap supplied by the NRSA and Survey of India respectively. Questionnaires were prepared to get the data needed from each hospital and house by field investigation. Finally, a map of Public Health Care Information System was created by interlinking all topographical features with attribute data of the town so as to keep this information for planning and development in days to come.
Keyword public health care system – GIS – GPS
SUDHA MURTY was born in 1950 in Shiggon in Haveri district of north Karnataka.
An M Tech in Computer Science, she is currently the Chairperson of Infosys …
Includes temple plans, history and reconstructions,and accounts of its architecture.
The Temple of Mukt®¿vara at Cau·ad¡napura
Temple seen from South east angle, after áivadevavijayam, photo showing inscriptions.
In all, there are eight inscriptions in the compound of Mukte¿vara temple. Except one which is on the k¢rtistaÆbha, all are written on well-polished stelae specially prepared for engraving. An image of V¢rabhadra has been carved on the back of the inscription No. V. The sixth inscription is written on the back of the inscription No. III. Except the one on the k¢rtistaÆbha all are kept in the shade of a shed which was recently built to shelter them. Judging from old photographs, it was not their original place. Originally they were installed near the temples, to the activities of which their contents refer.
All the eight inscriptions are written in Kanna·a characters of 12th and 13th centuries. The letters are well incised and beautifully engraved. Texts are a good combination of prose and poetry. Seven inscriptions are in Kanna·a interlaced with Sanskrit verses, whereas the one on the stone pillar is entirely in Sanskrit. As in most of the inscriptions, the pra¿asti part of the text is in poetry and the details of the grants are in Kanna·a prose
Stella bearing inscription I, k¡lamukha worshipper.
Inscription No. I (incomplete). Construction of a temple by Attir¡ja. Between 1101 and 1120.
(S.I.I. XVIII No. 112)
The stela containing the text of inscription No. 1, now installed in the shed specially built to shelter the inscriptions, is the second from the right and faces the East. Formerly, according to the Dharwar District Gazetteer, this stela was in the shrine of Mukte¿vara. This inscription is also published in áivadeva VijayaÆ as No. VII, p. 33 in Appendix; then in Cau·ad¡napura Monograph as No. 1 and in S.I.I. XVIII, No. 112. There are a few variants in these different publications. S. C. Nandimath had already given a full description of these stelae in his monograph (p. 66-67). We have mainly followed his reading and verified the printed text directly on the stone. S. C. Nandimath gives the description of the stone slab as follows: “It (the stela) measures 7′-6″ in height and 3′-8″ in breadth. The written space covers 5′-6″ by 3′-6″ leaving a margin of 1″ space on both sides. At the top of the slab there is an arc of a circle. In the centre of the arc there is a Li´ga. To the left of the Li´ga is a man, a devotee with beard and matted hair tied to form the shape of a turban. He is in the act of worshipping the Li´ga i. e. offering a garland of rudr¡kÀa on the top of the Li´ga. Above the Li´ga there is a cow and sucking calf. Above them there is the Sun. Just below this whole scene there is a band, 2 1/2″ in breadth, consisting of one and a half line. Round the arc of a circle at the top there is a band of 4 1/2″ breadth”.
There are 63 lines, but the inscription is incomplete. The portion containing the date and the purport of the grant is missing. The inscription is written in Kanna·a characters of 12th century with round and legible letters. “The text is in prose and poetry and the language is Kanna·a interlaced with Sanskrit verses. There are totally 32 verses in various metres such as anuÀ¶ubh, utpala, campaka, mah¡sragdhar¡, matt®bha and kanda. ” (ibidem p. 67)
The composition of the text is as follows. As in most of the epigraphs of this epoch, it begins with the famous ¿l°ka “Namas tu´ga¿ira¿-cumbi” followed by another in praise of God áiva. Then follow the titles of the C¡½ukya king Tribhuvanamalla Vikram¡ditya VI. The description of his realm and the name of G°vindarasa the governor of Banav¡si come next. This is followed by the history of the feudatory chiefs of the Gutta family starting from their origin, namely from the days of the legendary king Vikram¡ditya of Ujjayin¢. From l. 10b to 14 there is a pra¿asti of the legendary king Vikram¡ditya in Sanskritised Kanna·a enumerating his epithets and achievements. M¡gutta was a descendant of this family. His son was Gutta whose son was Mallid®va or Mallugi or Mallabh£pa. From l. 30b to 48a, in a very beautiful poetical style, a long description of the river Tu´gabhadr¡, of a temple of áiva built by one of the descendants of Ja¶¡ C°½a family, relatives of Guttas, are given. In the family of Ja¶¡ C°½a was born JoÆma whose son was D¡sa. From his wife Candabbarasi, D¡sa begot two sons, Attin¤p¡la and Canda. It appears from the inscription that the feudatory chieftain Mallabh£pa of Gutta family was the father-in-law (m¡va) of Attir¡ja, the author of a áiva temple at Cau·ad¡napura. The portion between lines 37b-45a is full of double meanings: e. g. d¡n°cita sth¡na means a place fit for donation and another meaning of d¡na is the rut of the elephant; bhitti is a wall and also the temple of elephants; n¡ga means snake and elephant and according to the Hindu mythological conception snakes are in the P¡t¡½a or subterranean world; rambh¡ stands for the banana tree and also is the name of a celestial nymph who was in the court of Indra; the waves of the sea are called t¡½a which is also the rhythm in music; sumana means the gods whose mind is good and also flowers which beautify the body and make it well-appreciated.
In l. 54b-55a the poet extols the king’s generous qualities and compares him with the cint¡ma¸i (celestial wish granting stone) and the kalpav¤kÀa (heavenly wish granting tree) and says that these are inferior to the king, because the monarch invites meritorious people and honours them with rich grants, whereas the other two satisfy the desires of those who ask. So these two remain barely a tree and a stone when compared to the king.
Though there is no date, Fleet has assigned this inscription to 1115 on the basis of other documents, which evoke the governorship of G°vindarasa in Banav¡si between 1110 and 1120 under Vikram¡ditya VI. But there are other inscriptions, namely from Abl£ru and Ba½½ig¡ve, which record the governorship of G°vindarasa in Banav¡si as early as 1101 A.D. Consequently, the date of construction of this áiva temple by Ja¶¡ Co½a at Cau·ad¡napura can be taken back to a date slightly earlier than 1115 and it may not be wrong to say that the temple might have been built after 1101 but before 1120 A.D.
With regard to orthographical peculiarities Dr. Nandimath’s remarks are valuable. For example:
1. Syllable ri , in mri¸maya (l. 1), prithivi (l. 3) etc., for vowel ¤
2. ¿a for sa in ¿ahasra (l. 2), ¿amadhigata (l. 7).
3. ¿a for Àa in ¿a·akÀari (l..43) for Àa·akÀari.
4. sa for ¿a in sil¡ (l. 2), sikhama¸i, sara¸¡gata (l. 8), sauca (l. 14).
5. ba for va in br¡ta (l. 26).
6. Consonant after r is doubled in t£rttada (l. 30).
1a. Homage to áaÆbhu, lovely with a Cauri, the moon kissing his lofty head, foundation column of the construction of a city, the three worlds.(1)
1b-2. Grass [for building a temple, procures] one crore of years [in heaven], mud ten crores, wood hundred crores, stone thousand crores. (2)
3-5a. The refuge of all the world, master of the earth and fortune, king of great kings, great seigneur, great lord, glory of the family of Saty¡¿raya, ornament to the family of C¡½ukyas, Tribhuvanamalla’s victorious kingdom extending on all sides, to continue as long as the sun, moon and stars,
5b-6a. (kanda) King Vikram¡ditya, ruled over the earth, with the western ocean to the West, the eastern ocean to the East, to the North the snow, and to the South the bridge (s®tu) as boundaries; 3
6b-7a. This king Vikram¡´ka, tilaka of the family of C¡½ukyas after having made the entire stretch of the ocean-bound earth contained in the palm of his own hand, ruled it in glory. (4)
7b-9a. While the fortunate G°vindarasa, dweller at his (King’s) lotus feet, having all five great titles, great chieftain of vassals, great general, an arrow like Indra’s thunderbolt to the mountains which are the enemies, commander of great warriors, protecting jewel to those who seek refuge, great minister, was administering in pleasure the Banav¡si 12000,
9b-10a. killing those who were not submissive, protecting those who prostrated (to him), G°vindarasa displayed his fame in all grandeur in company of K¢rti-LakÀm¢ , while the whole South obeyed his orders.(5)
10b-15a.Hail.To tell the grandeur of Guttas,descendants of Vikram¡ditya :
the foreheads of the people of the earth prostrated extolling highly his lotus-feet; he was destroyer of groups of enemies, blessed by God Mah¡k¡½a of Ujjaini, taking pleasure in all branches of learning, master of P¡¶a½¢pura, Lord of the Lady of Celebrity, having Banyan tree as a banner, in courage like Him (ViÀ¸u) who has an eagle as his banner,
an eye on the forehead of S°ma’s family, having lion as emblem, Bh¢ma of Guttas, firm like R¡ma in battles, with feet touched by the crowns of royal princes, ornament of Guttas, Sun to the darkness which is the army of enemies, club of the god of death to the enemy clan, King Vatsa to horses, in beauty Cupid, wish yielding jewel in protection, jewel among disciplined army, wish granting tree to those who compliment him, protector of the submissive, full (moon) to the family of king of kings Candragupta, Kar¸a in truth, follower of Manu, donor of honours to the deserving, in chastity like Hanum¡n, never withdrawing a promise once made, Disk of Ayya (ViÀ¸u), Indra of the entire circle of the earth.
16. (kanda) There, in the family of Guttas, who were like Lords of LakÀm¢, was born king M¡gutta known as unrivalled and invincible. (6)
16b-17a. To such a king (was born) a son, treasure of valour, crest jewel of the royal family, god of death to adversaries, wish granting stone to the subdued, like Cupid in beauty. (7)
17b-19a. (v¤tta) Glory of the Gutta family: not satisfied with the kingdom inherited from his forefathers, he acquired more territories by slaying heroically the enemies who came to face him; and by granting wishes to one and all who desired, King Gutta attained everlasting celebrity as his own palace. What a fulfilment King Gutta achieved in life! (8)
19b-20a. (kanda) Best in the dynasty of Guttas, sacred finial of the royal palace of Gutta family, crest jewel amongst Gutta descendants; (thus) Gutta appeared like tilaka on the forehead in the line of Guttas. (9)
20b-21a. His son, Mallid®va, Lord of mighty lords, respecter of rules of polity in the world, lion to mighty elephants the enemies, fearless amongst kÀatriyas on the earth. (10)
21b-23a. (v¤tta) What is the use of other kings? Now Mallid®va shines like a moon on the eastern mountain, a lotus in the midst of an ocean,
ruby in a ring, refuge to the inhabitants of the earth, crest jewel amongst kings, (like) Mandh¡ta (son of Yuvan¡¿va) to three worlds. (11)
23b-24a. (kanda) Our brave hero who conquered the entire host of enemy kings by the might of his limbs, bore the goddess of Victory on his arms, who is like M®ru, our king Malla, is he an ordinary king ? (12)
24b-25a. The words of Malla are such that if not uttered, there is no issue; if he says “I will”, they are like boons of áiva, letters engraved on the celebrated mountain M®ru if once uttered (by him). (13)
25b-27a. O king Malla, should I be alone to eulogise your sports in the battlefield (the inscription reads ‘sugr¡ma’ (to be corrected as ‘saÆgr¡ma)’ I could be accused of partiality. However, will not the host of enemies in many a battle speak eloquently about you: in despair the enemies mounted on an ant-hill, bit the grass, you slew those who threw their sword, hid under water, made others flee, others to join hands for protection. (14)
27b-28a. (kanda) Brilliant Mallan¤pa mounted on his horse, tilled the soil of the battle-field with its hooves, to reap a crop of shining, celebrated glory by sowing heads of enemies as seeds. (15)
28b-30a. (v¤tta) The terrific nature of the battlefield was increased very much indeed by the blood of the killed enemy force newly painting the quarters, and by the severed heads of slain soldiers and mutilated body bits of slaughtered horses enveloping the entire sky. (16)
30b. Description of the temple of áiva at Muktit¢rtha built by the descendants of Ja¶¡ C°½a dear dependent of the descendants of Guttas:
31. (kanda) Is there any river or fleuve in the world equal to TuÆgabhadr¡ descending from V®da¿aila and the celestial river (Ga´g¡) residing in áiva’s matted hair ? (17)
32a-33a. The water of holy Tu´gabhadr¡ dripping from the mountain appears as if oozing from moonstones on the slopes of V®da¿aila, embellished with full blown lotuses turned into red by the saffron powder used by damsels during their water sports, deafened all directions with a multitude of high waves. (18)
33b-34a. Equal to river Ga´g¡, (Tu´gabhadr¡ is) southern Ga´g¡; like Ga´g¡ this southern Ga´g¡ too washes off loads of sins of mortals who bathe there. (19)
34b-35a. In sacredness this southern Ga´g¡ (Tu´gabhadr¡) is equal to Ga´g¡. Who is able to eulogise the sanctity of Tu´gabhadr¡? (20)
35b-37a. The flow of Tu´gabhadr¡, is the purifier of all sins, with its clean water (poured by) clouds having come in large quantity near the source of the river on the summit of the V®da¿ai½(l)a which is comparable to M®ru and Him¡cala, lord of mountains.(21)
37b-45a. Like the fluid flowing from Air¡vata’s temples, MuktikÀetra, encircled by walls, is fit for the flow of water libation; like the top of áiva’s matted hair, it shines with a river; like the netherworld with snakes (n¡ga), it is an abode of a mighty race of elephants (n¡ga); like the bed of Sur®ndra with Rambh¡, it is embellished with (rambha) banana groves; like the world of celestial beings with (sumana) gods, it is delightful with (sumana) flowers; like music with rythm (t¡½a), it is delightful with waves (t¡½a);
ike the dvija in Brahmasabh¡ it shines with brahmins (dvija); (and) in such MuktikÀetra blessed in all three times (k¡las) and six (¤tus) seasons, he and she parrots play, intoxicated bees sing sweet songs, echoed with the sweet musical sound “pugal, pugal” of cuckoo; it is delightful with flowers like nam®ru, mand¡ra, p¡(ri)j¡ta, with thick smoke of homa performed by the best of brahmins (who recite) maÆtr¡kÀara in the saptasvaras of S¡mav®da,
with the good brahmins engaged in offering tarpa¸a to gods, to ¤Àis , and to the directions repeating japas of G¡yatri, Sa·akÀari, with yogins engaged in performing difficult yogic exercises (such as) vajr¡sana, padm¡sana, svastik¡sana, and four ways (of mantrocc¡ra) n¡dabh®da, bindubh®da, ¿aktibh®da, ¡tmabh®da; Muktit¢rtha which is like an embodiment of the way to liberation, shines with many shelters for numerous Li´gas. (22)
45b-46. (kanda) Like Brahm¡’s assembly it shelters dvijas, like Indra’s court sumana (gods, flowers);
like the heavenly elephant’s (ichor), here flow water libations (of donations). Is Muktit¢rtha ordinary? (23)
47-48a. (v¤tta) With full-bloomed jasmines, p¡¶a½is, newly come unaccountable ripe new mangoes, the buzzing of bees, the passionate cooing of cuckoo couples, the gentle breeze of south passing through render MuktikÀetra lovely to look at. (24)
48b. The family descent of (Jomma):
49-50a. (kanda) On this earth encircled by oceans, in Ja¶¡ (C°½a’s) family was born Jomma, abode to the goddess of fortune, refuge to the making of grants and good laws, Indra in enjoyment and statecraft. (25)
50b-51a. Amongst the celebrated princes (was) born D¡sa pure in character, an ornament to heroes, like the wish-fulfilling celestial tree to the seekers on the earth; is he an ordinary person? (26)
51b-52a. To the lotus-faced Candabbarasi and D¡sa, abode of good qualities, was born Attin¤pa, bee on Hara’s lotus feet, renowned for taking interest in other’s welfare. (27)
52b-53a. Can there be an equal to his younger brother Canda on earth ? He is like LakÀma¸a, brother of he who has Brahm¡ in his navel (ViÀ¸u), who built the bridge and killed R¡va¸a, like (Bhag¢ratha) who brought the heavenly river to the earth. (28)
53b-55a. His father-in-law is (mah¡ma¸·a½e¿vara) as Lord áiva to Cupid he is to the army of valourous heroes, (m¡¸·a½ika) of three kings, lion to the elephants, the enemies. To tell his glory : (kanda) In inviting and endowing donation with affection to those who deserved it the king cannot be compared to the tree of plenty or the wish-fulfilling stone (cint¡ma¸i), (because) do they call and give ? (29)
55b-57a. Mallabh£pa, an IÀ¶adaiva to param¡rtha, master of the whole world, tilaka in the family of king Vikrama, under the protection of áiva and his consort Girij¡, rules the (kingdom) with compassion. Blessed on the earth, this Attir¡ja, a mountain in the family of Ja¶¡ C°½a. (30)
57b-58a. (kanda) (In MuktikÀetra) equal to V¡ra¸¡si on the bank of the celestial river, with pleasure, Attir¡ja made to be built a temple for Hara, destroyer of loads of sins. (31)
58b-59a. Who will not praise this excessively good king Attir¡ja, the best in the assembly of the best of kings, best amongst people of good conduct, highest in the congregation of the learned poets? (32)
59b-61a. (campaka) There are not many good people on the earth in this iron age, just as there are no white elephants. Indeed he is the foremost among good men, a patron of letters, harvest in the hands of his kinsmen, hand mirror to the gods, a treasure house of virtues; a man of sterling character, he is singular on the earth like the wish-fulfilling tree. (33)
61b-62. Mah¡s¡manta, lord of the goddess V¢ralakÀm¢; wish-granting stone to the ¿iÀ¶as, best amongst the descendants of Ja¶¡ C°½as, of pure g°tra, Candrah¡sa of Guttas, bee on the lotus feet of áiva, jewel in politeness… The inscription is left incomplete here.
Inscription No. II. Donation of land to the temple of Mukte¿vara by K¡meya N¡yaka (relative of Attir¡ja), officer of Vikram¡ditya II Gutta.
(S.I.I. XVIII No. 299. In Elliot’s collection vol. II. No. 17, folio 345 verso – 347 recto)
This inscription is now set up in the special pendal built to shelter all the engraved stelae, which means that it is not in its original place. In the shed it stands second from right and faces east. According to Dharwar District Gazetteer, it was found standing in “Ì¿vara temple on the bank of Tungabhadr¡” (p. 390). This Ì¿vara temple probably is the main temple, i. e. Mukte¿a. Also in the collection of inscriptions by Sir Walter Elliot it is mentioned “in the village of Ca·¡Æpura in the temple of Ishvara near the river”. From a photograph of the inscription taken somewhere in the middle of the last century by Dixon it can be noticed that this stela was planted next to the main temple. Judging from a photograph published in Col. Meadows Taylor’s book, Architecture of Dharwar and Mysore, we may say that it was installed to the South of the main shrine not far from the others (p. 57, photo 39). The text on the stela was facing west. From the above mentioned facts it is clear that the Li´ga which was worshipped by Muktaj¢yar began to be called Mukte¿vara and even today the temple goes by the same name. Otherwise, only in the European documents it was known as Ì¿vara temple.
“On the slab of 7′-5″ x 3′-4″ the inscribed area covers 7′-5″ x 3′-2″ leaving a margin of one inch on either side. The arc at the top measures 2′-4″ in the centre and 3′-2″ at the base” (Cau·ad¡napura Monograph p. 74). The figure of the temple in the centre of the arc resembles in structure that of the main temple of Mukte¿vara. In the centre of the temple a replica of the Li´ga is represented in cylindrical form but on a high p¡¸ip¢¶ha. Whereas in the main temple, the Mukte¿vara Li´ga being an udbhavam£rti is very small and not much elevated from the floor level. The devotee who is engaged in the worship of Li´ga looks like the one in the inscription No. I. Behind the personage is a couchant Nandin and the sun above. To the left of the temple are a cow and a sucking calf. The crescent moon is carved above the cow and calf.
Totally there are eighty-two lines, of which the first five are engraved on a band of 7″ below the arc. Each line contains 30-35 round and legible Kanna·a letters of 12th century. The text of the inscription is strewn with some beautiful decorative motifs viz. ¿a´kha, cakra, etc. The language of the inscription is Kanna·a prose and poetry except the beginning and a few imprecatory verses which are in Sanskrit. The inscription is complete and preserved in a very good condition. There are 34 verses containing kanda and v¤tta as follows: anuÀ¶ubh 1, mah¡¿ragdhara 4, campaka 6, utpala 2, matt®bha 6, ¿¡rd£la 1, kanda 14. Orthographical peculiarities are there but not worth mentioning (Cau·ad¡napura Monograph p. 75).
The inscription begins with an invocation to áiva in Sanskrit and continues in the style of a k¡vya describing oceans, mountains, JaÆbudv¢pa, Bh¡rata, and finally M¡½ava with its capital Ujjayin¢. Further it speaks of the supernatural powers of Vikram¡ditya the ruler of Ujjayin¢. With the descendants of Vikram¡ditya, the history of Guttas of Guttava½al begins. Then it describes the Gutta chieftain, his officer K¡meya N¡yaka and his relationship with Ja¶¡ C°½a family. A grant was made by K¡meya N¡yaka after laving the feet of Muktaj¢yar, the ascetic who was in charge of the religious activities of the temple. The last line of the inscription gives the name of R®v°ja who was the architect and sculptor of the temple.
Also, there is a piece of information, which is very important from the point of view of history. Today, Guttala is a small and insignificant village without any trace of its past glory. But the inscription records that there was a fort and it was a jaladurga or “water-fort”; that means it was encircled by water. Effectively, the river Tu´gabhadr¡ flows not far from there. As Guttala was the principal residence of Gutta chieftains, it is but normal that it had a fort. As the river flows in its vicinity no wonder the fort was encircled by water. According to other inscriptions (S.I.I. XVIII, nos 296, 297) Guttala was lying in the limits of MuktikÀetra.
With regard to the text of the inscription a few words may not be out of place here. The poetry that we read here is of a high rank and the poet uses many ala´k¡ras such as ¿liÀ¶opam¡, utprekÀ¡ and so on. For example in l. 5b to 11a the poet points out the superiority of the earth over all the worlds by using utprekÀ¡. In l. 17b-19a the poet shows his talents in parisaÆkhy¡ by using the same word in two different meanings. With regard to j¡ti the pun is excellent. J¡ti stands for caste as well as jasmine flowers. So j¡tisa´kara was only in the garlands of jasmine with an admixture of various other flowers and not in the sense of mixture of castes in marriages. Similarly, the word karagraha¸a also has double meaning. Kara is tax as well as hand. Karagraha¸a may mean holding the hand in marriage ceremonies as well as levying taxes. Here the poet says that karagraha¸a used to take place only in marriages and no new taxes were levied. Also kaRe means milking animals as cows etc., or black stigma. Black stain is the sign of spreading anti-propaganda, calumnies. In M¡lava kaRe was used for milking animals and there was no place for evil.
In lines 29b-31a king Jomma is compared with Indra, S£rya and ViÀ¸u because he shared with them common epithets. Vinat¡nandana-sa´gataÆ; the king was “endowed with the quality of pleasing those who bow down to him”, ViÀ¸u is Vinat¡ nandana “he who causes pleasure to Vinat¡”, i. e. her son, Garu·a, ViÀ¸u’s vehicle. Sajanit°dyat k¡mavarÀapra-vardhanaharÀaÆ: King’s joy was increasing by fulfilling, literally raining down, the wishes of devotees. Of the three Gods Indra, Divasendra and Upendra, Indra is associated with the rainbow, the Sun with light, ViÀ¸u with K¡ma. In this way the poet extols the qualities of his patron King Jomma through ¿liÀ¶°pame, a means to exhibit his poetic talents.
The date, áaka 1113, Vir°dhikrit, M¡rga¿ira amav¡sya, Budhav¡ra, S£ryagraha¸a, corresponds to A.D. 1191, December 18, Wednesday. And the other date mentioned in line 80, namely Vir°dhikritu saÆ, PuÀya amav¡sye, brihaspativ¡ra corresponds to A.D. 1192, January 16, Thursday.
1-2a. Obeisance to Mukte¿a on whose knotted hair is the moon crescent which shines like a swan swimming in the divine river GaÆg¡. (1)
2b-5a. May Mukte¿vara bless us with zeal and pleasure, place of worship of the world of devotees, whose sacred feet are praised by the Moon and ViÀ¸u, master of the whole world, bestower of sovereignty born of unfettered prosperity, sole root of pleasure to the heart of Gaur¢ ever associated with Him; his very bright fame has reached the heaven in the form of the praise of the good. (2)
5b-8a. On the orders of ViÀadatar®¿vara (áiva) indeed all the fourteen worlds have come into being. Earth is the most pleasing to the mind, created following the rules of áiva-dharma; and to raise the beauty of the world to a higher level the seven splendid oceans were made to encircle them. (3)
8b-9a. Encircled by seven oceans, with seven continents, the earth shines as if it had acquired for itself all the joys of the rest of the fourteen worlds. (4)
9b-11a. Amongst the seven dv¢pas JaÆbudv¢pa is the most beautiful one, and it appeared as if the other six have been assigned to protect it around. Who knows the rules of the Creator? (5)
11b-14a. The beautiful ocean with rows of waves full of foam, of giant fishes and other aquatic reptiles, appeared as if it were the beautiful girdle of Goddess LakÀm¢ of the JaÆbudv¢pa resplendent with the fragrance of D®vad¡ru, sandal wood trees and a number of gems. (6)
14b-15a. In the midst of the ocean(s) JaÆbudv¢pa (is like) a lotus in a pond of clear water, M®ru being the stalk, the directions the petals, whirlpools armies of bees. (7)
15b-17a. Mount M®ru with six islands is encircled: Suragiri, I½¡v¤tta, KiÆpuruÀa, HarivarÀa, Himavadgiri, (and) BharatavarÀa with Him¡laya, and to their south shines M¡½ava. (8)
17b-19a. Spoken words are used only in the sense of “lotus”; j¡tisa´kara is in jasmine garlands only; and karagraha¸a in marriages; kaRe used only in milking the cow. In such M¡½ava r¡jan¢ti shines with multitudinous desires of LakÀm¢ (prosperity). (9)
19b-20a. The merit of ears is to hear about Ujjayin¢, (capital) city of M¡½ava (where) the mansions made of moon-stone exceed in lustre that of the blackness of the eyes of fishes; without rains grow wood-lands. (10)
20b-22a. Vikram¡ditya the best of the kings of that city, having achieved eight great Siddhis, without hesitation bestowing pleasure to his subjects by fulfilling their desires, covering the three worlds with his glory, ruled the beloved Earth with his mighty arm, as if She had a glorious life only in his arms and nowhere else. (11)
22b-24a. Owing to his magical merits Vikram¡ditya’s bundle gives gems, his bowl supplies best food, his sandals take him where he wants, his brush paints what he desires,
his sword slays enemies heads at will, his clothes turn into gold, he becomes invisible by force of magic pills; his merit is unaccountable.(12)
24b-25. While it was said thus about Vikram¡ditya, here, in the family of Candragupta, after defying the belief that no one will be born (equal to him), was born V¢ra Vikram¡ditya. (13)
26-28a. His good character, good conduct, great desires, entertainment, matchless heroism, the expansion of his rich empire made god Cupid to suffocate. The good fame of Vikram¡dityad®va made the world to think that he is unique. (14)
28b-29a. To this valorous king Vikram¡ditya was born JoÆman¤pa, as the lord of lotuses the Sun (rose) in Udayagiri (eastern direction), when the bride Earth opened her eyes. (15)
29b-31a. He treats humbly and courageously in company, accrues the joy through a shower of genuine good wishes, deserves the praise of protector of literates; affection rises through cast-ing a glance on his realm; he excells in beauty He who holds Sudar¿ana cakra (ViÀ¸u); such Jomma shines like Indra, Divas®ndra (Sun) and Up®ndra. (16)
31b-33a. Many kings have no perseverance for literary taste; if endowed with refined taste, they have no sharpness; if endowed with sharpness they have no spirituality; without spirituality they have no good conduct, without good conduct they have no grace, whereas all these good qualities are united in King Jomma lord of the earth. (17)
33b-34a. Gutta, younger brother of JoÆma, with the eulogy of r¡j¡c¡ra was delighted by the reading of j¡pyamantra of shining b¢j¡kÀaramantra of Bh£lakÀm¢ by the priests. (18)
34b-36a King Gutta with his charming body appeared as Cupid having himself entered into his body after having been bodiless; by uniting with his fame the Moon could face the attacking clouds; in his circle they say that Yama lives in his sword for the pleasure of a sumptuous food. (19)
36b-38a. The beloved spouse of King Gutta, Padmalad®vi, lady of Padmin¢ class, of charming grace and wit, dazzling like LakÀm¢, having graceful walk like a royal swan in love with the sun, celebrated with honors by a circle of poets, made (Guttala) into a water-fort of Cupid and pleased her husband with charm and wit. (20)
38b-39a. In V¢ra Vikram¡ditya born in the pure lotus like stomach of Padm¡, like Padmabhava in the lotus stomach of K¤À¸a, (now) will there be any limit for diplomacy. (21)
39-42a. V¢ra Vikrama is possessed of three qualities, humility, heroism and merit, the ornaments of administration to the goddess of the kingdom, strength, humbleness, liking for all ¿¡stras, promotion of dharma were all present abundantly in Vikram¡ditya the great king. (22)
42b-44a. The sharp edge of the sword as his friend, he enters the battlefield, the enemy feels that the king has become an entire army; as the saying goes “as the form, so the conduct”; his will is so firmly set on victory, what is the use of any other joy; the only goal worth seeking by a king is a kingdom which comes as a fruit of valor in war. These qualities adorn king Vikram¡ditya. (23)
44b-46a. Occasionally, even the goddess of victory would long for his beauty which is such that women would crave for; so is his munificence in statecraft and good conduct which people on the road look as perfection; he shines with his greatness manifest in everything (24)
46b-53a. Be it well. V¢ra Vikram¡ditya, mah¡ma¸·a½e¿vara of five great titles, lord of Ujjaini, having va¶akalpav¤kÀa as emblem on his victorious banner, unique right arm in protecting the earth, full moon to the nectar ocean of Candragupta’s family, eternal Indra in magnanimity, cak°ra to the moonlight shooting off from toe-nails of Hara, pea-cock enjoying the sound of clouds, Guru’s words, plunderer of the proud property (husband) of women, brave in battles, Bhairava to vassals, white lotus to the eyes of joyous young damsels, overlord of twelve, fond lover of fighting, Sun in wars, V¢ra Vikram¡ditya governed Banav¡sen¡·u from his residence Guttavo½al, in pleasure and pleasant conversation, in good pursuits, chastising the wicked and protecting the chaste.
53b- 55a Like a bee on the lotus feet of his overlord, with his deep dedication and talents fit to be called appropriate minister to the king, through his own valor he became the true dexterous right arm of the king, the world famous K¡meya, chief amongst the generals of the king. (25)
55b. To tell about his genealogy:
55c-57. Atyarasa, fiery king, mine of truth, shining as the shaft of Dharma, with daily festivities and appropriate actions made to feel as an abode to all (good) qualities; (26)
57b-58a. of his daughter, M¡calad®vi, causing waves of fluid of sweet sap in a lotus pond, her heart, N¡yaka M¡ra obtained the good pleasure of holding the hand. (27)
58b-60. K¡meya N¡yaka was born to M¡raya N¡yaka and M¡cale; he was like a bee on a lotus the noble feet of áa´kara, play of good omens, made women to feel that the lord of Rati (K¡ma) was born. K¡meya N¡yaka, the best of heroes, is there anybody equal to him in good qualities? (28)
61-62a. With Bh¢ma’s puissance, R¡ma’s courage, Hanum¡n’s devotion and affection, the illustrious K¡meya N¡yaka was of brilliant nature. (29)
62b-65a. As king Vikram¡´ka, tilaka of earthly kings, when set to reduce quickly the armies of enemies, he used strongly his shining sword, quickly raised the ranges of elephants in rut, speedily running cavalry, (placed) the strong infantry in the fronts and said to rule “why should you worry”, said K¡ma. (30)
65b-66a. Swollen by the flow of water pouring for grants by the lord of men, the Tu´gabhadr¡ flows in that land as if saying “I am the necklace of the respectable lady Earth”. (31)
66b-67a. The children of the beautiful woman Earth’s twice seven (fourteen) worlds; as a support to them áiva with Um¡ present there began to be called by the name Mukte¿a; (32)
67b-69a. With all pra¿atis, while ár¢manu mah¡ma¸·al®¿vara V¢ra Vikram¡dityad®va, was ruling from his residence Guttava½al in pleasure, discourse and divertissement.
69b-75. KhaÆ·eyak¡Ra K¡meya N¡yaka dwelling at the lotus feet of the King, after conquering the good will of the master, a trophy obtained a field of six mattaru at Honnavatti, the four limits of which are: to the east the field of God C¡m®¿vara, to the south the road to Gope, thus four limits of six mattaru of land being defined, on the date of the solar eclipse of new moon day in the month of M¡rga¿ira, in the cyclic year Vir°dhik¤tu, áaka 1113, for the pleasure of the decoration of the Lord’s body and stage, and for the repairs of what is worn out, …, after bowing down at the feet of Muktaj¢yar, making the field tax free, offered it with water libation (to the God). Salutation to the Lord of the Universe Homage to ár¢ Mukte¿vara.
76-77. By protecting this dharma one obtains the fruit of buying a Kapil¡ cow(s) at the arghyat¢rtha of Pray¡ga, setting up its (their) hooves with gold, giving it to 1002 brahmins versed in Vedas.
77-79a. He, who destroys this dharma, will incur the great sin of killing a brahmin, a Kapil¡ cow in V¡r¡¸as¢. He, who steals the earth given by him or another, is reborn as a worm in dirt for sixty thousand years. (33)
79b-83. On the eclipse and vyat¢p¡ta of the new moon day of the dark fortnight of the month of Pu¿(À)ya in the cyclic year Vir°dhik¤tu…
for the three main food offerings of Lord Mukte¿a ár¢ V¢ra Vikram¡ditya… in the presence of the assembly of Mah¡janas was granted a field measuring 20 kaÆba; the limits are: to the south the temple in ruins of ár¢ Kalid®va in ár¢madagrah¡ra Honnavatti, to east of the same God. In this manner (the clauses of) this chart should be executed without any derogation.
83b. Including the stone pendal the execution of external work (was) by R®v°ja.
Salutations to Mukte¿a.
Inscription No. III.
Eulogy of áivadeva. 1262
Cau·ad¡napura Monograph No. IV; South Indian Inscriptions vol. XVIII, No. 244. In Sir Walter Elliot’s collection: no. 52, folios 240 verso to 242. In The Inscriptions of Dharwar and Mysore photographed by Pigou and Biggs, edited by T.C. Hope No. XXXVII)
Chronologically this inscription comes third.”The stela is kept along with the others in the same pendal in the south-western part of the temple complex. It is 7′ 10″ high and 3′ broad. The carved space occupies 5′ 4″ from top to bottom, 2′ 10″ from left to right leaving a one-inch margin on both sides and an unwritten space of 8″ at the bottom. The letters are pretty good and belong to the 13th century Kanna·a script. The whole is in fairly good condition except the damaged last few lines” (Cau·ad¡napura Monograph p. 94). Vi½¡sa is the term employed by Walter Elliot’s copyists to designate the top of the stela in semicircular shape. Like in other inscriptions, here too a shrine has been represented with a Li´ga in the centre. To the right of the Li´ga is the figure of a devotee in seated posture unlike in the two previous inscriptions, other details being same except for a kind of crooked sword carved above the cow and calf. Two lines are written in the space left as margin round the semicircle and the name of the engraver on the pedestal of NaÆdin: D®va¸a of Guttavo½al who recited and wrote the text of the inscription. The language is mainly Kanna·a, interlaced with Sanskrit and Pr¡krit ¿l°kas. The text begins with “namas tu´ga…”. There are 26 verses: Nos. 1, 2 and 22 are in Sanskrit and anuÀ¶ubh metre, 23 is in Pr¡krit and the rest in Kanna·a. Of these three are in mah¡sragdhar¡, four in matt®bhavikr¢·ita, five in ¿¡rd£lavikr¢·ita and eleven in campaka metre.” (Cau·ad¡napura Monograph p. 95)
After invocatory verses on áiva and Mukte¿vara, the inscription proceeds with the description of Kail¡sa and the glorification of bhakti. P¡rvat¢ the consort of áiva requests Her Lord to impart bhakti to the world. áiva looks at Nandin and the latter answers that, as Basava the spiritual son of SaÆgam®¿a did, similarly he would accomplish the mission in the name of áivadeva. First he goes to worship Dhava½ali´ga at ár¢¿ailam where he meets áivamuddud®va and then he proceeds to MuktikÀetra. This part of the text is not very clear. In the following inscription the same matter is recounted in a different fashion. At MuktikÀetra he becomes a great saint, imposing on himself many restrictions such as not to lie down on a bed, not to embrace women, not to beg anything from anybody etc. In l. 29 one of his vows is mentioned in very concise style: sv¡mi mah¡d®vanitto·allada n®maÆ, i. e. he will not accept anything except given by Lord áiva. A ¿ivaka¶¶e was built by him at MuktikÀetra to stop the river Tu´gabhadr¡ from advancing up to the Li´ga. What it is and where it is, is not specifically indicated. Dr. M. M. Kalburgi and Dr. Katti suggest that it may be identified as an embankment of the river. The architectural plan of the temple strengthens this opinion. On the northern side of the shrine there is no door whereas there is one to the east and another to the south. This blindness is due to the embankment built checking the rising up of the river water. He also built a shrine to Rudra, most probably V¢rabhadra. Moreover, the main temple to áiva was repaired by him and was entirely decorated with stone panels. The inscription mentions that he wrote Kai½¡sa-caritra, which unfortunately is not available to us today.
There is a piece of interesting information in l. 15. Here we come across with two important names. Not only Basava the son of SaÆgam®¿a is mentioned but also his companion and faithful follower Ba´kaya. The exact name of the latter occurs in the literature as Ba´kan¡tha. He was from Iµcal in Torgal, which is the same as Toragale in the inscriptions. Ba´kan¡tha while fighting with the army of Bijja½a during the troubled days of Kaly¡¸a finally reached Iµcal where he built a temple which goes by the name of Ba´kan¡thana Gu·i even today. He was a staunch defender of the principles of Basav®¿vara. Here in this inscription there is an allusion to Ba´kan¡tha and áivadeva says that he will defend the principles of áaivism of Basava like Ba´kan¡tha.
The Temple of Mukt®¿vara
The site is on the left bank of the Tu´gabhadr¡, on the convex and elevated bank of a meander of the river, which flows from east to west at this particular point. The westward direction of the river has a strong poetical, or even religious resonance in the minds of the people, as it is a feature repeatedly emphasized in the inscriptions. The religious site covers the highest ground, looking down towards the river and the flat cultivated plain on the opposite bank. The steep slope of the bank has been built into a flight of steps on a length of 40 metres approximately. The ancient built site must have been larger than the area delimited by the modern compound. The modern village is at a distance of about 500 metres from the temple site. Villagers recently excavated the ground to the south-west of the compound and found a few ancient sculptured slabs which were re-used by them when erecting a small shrine dedicated to the Goddess Honnamma.
|The main ancient elements are:
1) on the northern side, the temple of Mukte¿vara (No. 1), the largest and most beautiful monument on the site; to the east, in its east-west axis a later ma¸·apa;
2) on the eastern elevation of the ground three smaller shrines (2-4);
3) on the southern elevation four shrines in one row (6-9);
4) to the south a lofty monolithic stone mast (5);
5) six inscribed stelae recently installed in a modern shed (10; their original place visible on old photographs is indicated in No. 11).
The diagram of the site refers to the present state. When compared to Cousens plan, it shows a few modifications: the disappearance of the ground structure facing shrine 2 and the displacement of the inscribed stela.
1. Mukte¿vara a. garbhag¤ha
2. Kallid®va b. ¿ukan¡s¢
3. Li´ga c. ¤a´gama¸·apa
4. Li´ga d. mukhabhad¤a
5. K¢rtistambha e. later ma¸·apa
10. Inscribed stelae (new location in a modern shed; roman numbers refer to Epigraphy section)
11. Inscribed stelae (old location from Cousens plan)
Northern facade, áikhara.
The undated photograph reproduced in áivadevavijayam, published in 1949 shows well the original location of the stelae bearing the inscriptions and the elements which have disappeared in front of shrine 2. The stela bearing the image of V¢rabhadra seen on top has been installed in the recent shed with the inscribed stelae.
To the south of the later ma¸·apa of the main monument there is a temple with one cella and an antechamber open to the west. On its axis Cousens plan shows a square platform which looks like the base of a ra´gama¸·apa, and traces of the foundations of a structure which we are not able to identify. This is a possible location for a porch which could have been erected in front of the ra´gama¸·apa. An old photograph which may be contemporaneous with Cousens plan shows in this very place a large stela bearing an image of V¢rabhadra in high relief. It can be identified as the stela which bears the ins-cription No. V on its other side. From the contents of the inscription we infer that this monument is the temple where KaÆn¡d®vi had a Li´ga installed, called Kallin¡tha after the name of her defunct husband, Kallid®varasa, in 1262. Nowadays the stela has been displaced; its original place has been levelled and the traces of the old foundations have disappeared; the traces of the ra´gama¸·apa platform seen on Cousens plan have also disappeared in a modern platform. On the west side of the surviving building we see clear indications of the existence of an attached structure, i. e. pilasters and corbels the presence of which imply the existence of the architraves of the lost structure. The original name, Kallin¡tha, of the Li´ga, is also forgotten. It was al-ready so in the time of Walter Elliot who recorded the name “temple of Gomuni” still in use among the villagers.
This shrine has kept its doorjambs and lintels. The outer walls of the cella have a double axial projection, but no other decoration. There is a tower above the cella and a projection, called ¿ukan¡s¢, coming above the antechamber. The tower is made of seven low strata of gradually diminishing size, with a small dome. The ¿ukan¡s¢ has six strata. Each strata has indentations in a regular spacing. We interpret this feature as a schematic representation of an eave with its attic windows and with turned up points at the angles. The small dome of square plan rests upon a flat moulding with a padma moulding between two recesses. It has a double axial projection on each face. Its graceful curve turns up at the base with upward points at the angles. The crowning motif is a padma moulding of square plan supporting a double circular base for a bulb shaped moulding and a pointed flower bud. The ¿ukan¡s¢ is covered with a flat roof. Its West side is closed with a gable-end motif.
To the south of this structure, a shrine consisting of only one cella open to the west, the outward wall of which has no projection, nor any decoration, is what remains of a small temple. There is no visible trace of any other structure attached to it. There is no superstructure. On an old photograph a post is seen in front of that shrine. It is a short post in stone, approximately 1.5 M high, with a lotus bud at the top, and on one side two mortices, at the bottom and towards the top.
To the south-east, there is a third structure consisting of only one cella of slightly larger size, open to the east. Only the inward facing of the wall remains. The outward facing, as well as the door frame, had already disappeared when Cousens drew his plan.
The southern group comprises four shrines. Cousens plan shows two parallel temples, with cella and antechamber, open to the north-west. At the level of their antechamber they are connected by one single rectangular cella, open to the same direction. To the west extremity of the row there is one more single cella of equal size. Only the inward facings of the walls remain. The three first shrines have preserved their doorframe. The whole has been modified by recent renovations.
Monolithic Mast, K¢rtistamba, bearing Inscription VII
| The monolithic mast has a double base. From bottom to top its section is successively square, octogonal, sixteen edged. It is topped by a large square abacus. One sees three small pillarets on the abacus; this is what remains of the ancient superstructure. The mast bears a Sanskrit inscription (No. VII) recording its foundation and where it is called k¢rtistambha “pillar of fame”.
|The main monument is a structure comprising one cella (garbhag¤ha), one antechamber (¿ukan¡s¢) and a closed hypostyle hall (ra´gama¸·apa), all placed on the same east-west axis. All of them are open to the east. The ra´gama¸·apa has a second opening to the south, and a porch for each opening.
To the east one more ma¸·apa with four central pillars, of slightly larger size, has been added in later times. It has, in fact, no structural connection with the main monument. It is slightly out of its axis, even though its central low platform with four pillars is in the east-west axis. It is closed on its south and north sides. Only the internal facings of these walls remain.
The Temple of Mukt®¿vara, elevation of the northern facade.
The main structure is a remarkably well-built monument. It is clearly the product of one well-thought architectural project. Though an inscription mentions a renovation made in the 13th century, in the construction, as we see it now, we do not observe any recast of an initial project, nor any later modification or important repair. The renovation may have been such an important reconstruction, that no earlier parts, nor any trace of an older stage have been left visible.
The main monument shelters a Li´ga called Mukte¿vara “Lord of the Released (Souls)”. The inscriptions which contain a number of references to the Li´ga called Mukte¿vara and express the feelings and thoughts of the worshippers, in the form of refined literary eulogies of the god, reveal a noteworthy evolution in their attitude and conceptions. The two first inscriptions describe mostly the mythological aspect of áiva. The following ones keep the same theme and introduce new concepts. In inscription III the foundation of a temple is told to be the bringing of Kail¡sa on the earth (l. 33):
“áivadeva having brought the Kail¡sa, said to be beyond imagination, with the army of all gods, to the earth, had a pleasant abode built to áiva, to produce áiva’s pleasure.”
Similarly the temple of áiva is declared to be a M®ru, MuktikÀetra being a Kail¡sa (III l. 23-24).
The inscription III introduces a new religious figure, áivadeva. With him comes a new concept of the deity, which includes the mythological representation, but does not give to it the same emphasis. The emphasis is put on devotion. A larger place is given to the view of the worshipper áivadeva is told to be an incarnation of Nandin or Amara-Ga¸a i. e. a courtier of áiva in Kail¡sa. He performed worship mostly in the form of heroic vows described in Inscription III. In fact he belongs to the class of saints and yogins practicing meditation and pursuing mystic experiences. He is turned more towards the unmanifested aspects of God. His attachment to the manifested aspect appears in his vow not to move out of MuktikÀetra. May be that was due to his belief in the sanctity of this place. His belief in the sacredness of ár¢¿ailam in Ëndhra, where he resided before his coming to MuktikÀetra in 1225, is also recorded (III l. 15b-16a). The attachment to the Li´gas of these two particular temples seems to be the main link maintained by him with the manifested.
The attitude of the worshipper who directs his mental representation towards a concrete object, who places the unmanifest on the manifest is directly expressed (III l. 16b-17a):
“áivamuddud®va who says: “I shall show to this world that the invisible áiva is manifested here in Dhava½ali´ga” believes in it firmly.”
Later the emphasis is placed more on the practice of meditation, than on ritual practices. It goes upto the point to declare that the mental representation creates the concrete form. In inscription No. V stanza 7 which describes the sage áivadeva meditating on the áivali´gatattva and causing it to take form:
“This áivadeva who caused the very rich essence áivali´ga to take form by meditating intensely over it.”
The essence called áivali´ga is in V¢ra¿aiva doctrine the supreme entity, not accessible to the senses. The qualification ghanatara is often given to the supreme principle to indicate the plenitude of its essence (compare with the epithet cidghana “full of consciousness”. áivadeva practices meditation over the supreme. The intensity of his meditation gives a concrete form to the abstract entity. By the force of meditation the yogin gets a direct perception. Thus the non-manifest and the manifest are linked by the religious practice.
The identification of the concrete Li´ga with the abstract concept of God is also remarkably illustrated in inscription VIII l. 9-10:
“The god Mukte¿vara who is the Li´ga-soul of the siddha áivadeva.”
From the date of 1265 onwards áivadeva is called a siddha, i. e. one who has acquired supernatural powers by y°ga, who has attained liberation in the form of union with the supreme áiva. In V¢ra¿aiva vocabulary he has become the principle of áiva Li´ga. His soul or livening power called pr¡´a is a Li´ga, one with the supreme. The demise of the saint took place in MuktikÀetra. This is his sam¡dhi or fusion with Li´ga. From that time the soul of the saint equated with God is placed on the Li´ga in the temple. The soul of the saint fused with God is the unmanifest placed in the manifest by the event of the demise and liberation of the saint. In inscription VII l. 10-11 the name of the saint is transferred to the Li´ga:
“In the presence of the god Mukte¿vara who has the name ár¢ Siddha áivadeva.”
One more fact about the Li´ga Mukte¿vara deserves to be recorded. Today the villagers declare that the deity of their temple is Mukte¿vara in the form of an udbhava li´ga. This is the common designation in Kanna·a of a Li´ga which is believed to have come out spontaneously, by itself, in a particular place. The installation is not ascribed to men, but to the god himself, who is considered as having come to the earth in a particular place by his own will. In Sanskrit this type of temple image is called svayaÆbh£ – li´ga. N¢laka¸tha áiv¡c¡rya defines it in his Kriy¡s¡ra:
“Satisfied with the penance of gods and sages, in order to make himself present, áambhu who is inside the earth as a seed in the form of n¡da, like an immobile germ, breaks the ground and becomes manifest. Because he is bh£ta i. e. born from himself, he is known as svayambh£ “self-born”. By the worship of this li´ga, knowledge grows by itself.
“The denomination of svayambh£ or udbhava does not occur in the inscriptions, nor is it told in any of them that the Li´ga was installed by any historical figure. References are to the construction of temples, not to the creation of a Li´ga. However two passages give clear indications that the belief in the spontaneous presence of áiva in MuktikÀetra was current in the times of áivadeva. In inscription IV a myth of the descent of áiva in MuktikÀetra is narrated with the words (l. 16b-18a):
“Staying there I shall purify all in the three worlds” saying thus the beloved of mountain’s daughter appeared as Mukt¢¿a and aroused love in the Lord of the Earth. “Li´ga has already appeared on the Earth” (See also Inscription V l. 9b-11a).
Therefore nothing goes against the local oral tradition which we record nowadays. And we may consider that Mukte¿vara has been regarded as being a svayambh£-li´ga in the past also.
It also has the low shape characteristic of this type of Li´gas.
East West section looking South, Vim¡na.
The vim¡na is the architectural volume dedicated to the Li´ga Mukte¿vara. The abstract entity, áiva, is represented by the Li´ga, which is here of small size and on a very short base, as in many other temples of the same region and time. The Li´ga is at the centre of a cella of square plan (2.20 x 2.20 M). This cella is almost cubic, the height is 2.45 M under the ceiling, 2.20 M under the architraves. It is called garbhag¤ha as it is the innermost part of the monument. It has only one opening, a door on the eastern side. The walls of considerable thickness (1.50 M at the plinth level in the east-west axis) are made of a filling, which we could not observe, between two facings of long stone slabs. Those of the inward facing have the full size of the wall on each side of the cella. In each angle there is a pilaster. On the west and north walls there is a cyma for the purpose of keeping cult instruments. The architraves have a chamfered edge. The ceiling is made of two series of triangular slabs placed in the angles and leaving a square space in the centre. That square space is covered by a slab decorated with three circles of lotus petals and a flower bud.
The cella is topped by a tower of pyramidal shape with two steps and a small dome. We had no possibility of observing the interior of it.
The outward facings of the walls bear the superimposed secondary structures, which will be described later. In the recesses between them parts of what may be considered as belonging to the main structure, are seen. The elements which it is made of are the same as those of the secondary shrines, so that there is agreement and continuity of both structures. For the cella they are a double base, a wall with pilasters, an eave; for each step of the tower there is a wall with pilasters and an eave. The dome of square plan rests upon a base and a recess. Its outward shape is that of lotus petals curved downwards and with turned up points at the base. It has three axial projections on each side. The last is the architectural motif of a square gable-end of a roof; it is now a flat stone; it may have been the support for a sculptured stela. There is one more crowning motif: three rows of lotus petals and a lotus bud on a double base.
The whole, cella and tower, bears the name of vim¡na or pr¡s¡da. These two terms are used for the dwellings of gods or kings, or more technically refer to buildings having a superstructure. The word vim¡na is sometimes used in reference to the superstructure alone (Mayamata) (VIII 195) and this use which seems to be rare in ancient times, seems to become more current in modern times.
Thus the facings of the walls are of a totally different nature. The inward facing is made of seemingly thin stone slabs placed on edges and devoid of decoration; it is a pure stone architecture. The outward facing is made of thicker stone slabs bearing a sculptured representation of wooden architectural models. The ground level is the same for the cella and the courtyard outside, so that the two facings have the same height.
We have not been able to observe the foundations. Their last layer, the top of which is apparent at the level of the paving of the courtyard, is made of long stone slabs. That may be understood as the component called up¡nah in áilpa¿¡stra. It is the basic layer, the strength and horizontality of which ensures the tightness of the construction. The plinth is a few centimetres in recess. Following the most common prescriptions of áilpa¿¡stra the base is to be considered as made of two parts, lower and upper, called upap¢¶ha and adhiÀ¶h¡na. The former comprises three major protruding mouldings: a flat plinth (jagat¢ or p¡duka) repeated in slight recess and topped by a lotiform moulding (padma), a chamfered band (kumuda), a terminal moulding (Kapota) in the shape of an eave, i. e. a sloping roof with jutting out attic windows cal-led n¡sik¡ or n¢·a. In between these three mouldings there are two deep recesses (ka¸¶ha). A finer square moulding, which may be called Kampa, together with small padmas provide graceful transitions between them. There are deep hollow joints at the base and between the plinths. This series of mouldings forms a unit, as shown by the up¡nah which is a lower element and by the kapota which is an upper and terminal element. That is why it bears the distinctive name: upap¢¶ha. It is the proper base of the building.
All the three major mouldings bear a refined decoration sculptured in very low relief: a creeper motif on the first plinth, a frieze of haÆsa on the second one, a geometrical jewellery motif on the outward edge of the kumuda, a series of n¡sik¡, symmetrically disposed, with the lion-head motif on the kapota.
The upper part of the base, or adhiÀ¶h¡na, is a base for the pillars of the wall. Therefore it may be considered more properly as a part of the wall itself. It consists of two protruding mouldings separated by low recesses. The first moulding above the kapota of the upap¢¶ha is an original feature, which is proper to this type of temple in Karn¡¶aka; it is the representation of a series of extremities of beams with connecting bands. Their number and disposition depend upon the representations of secondary structures and will be described later with them. The last moulding is a square band supported by a large inverted padma. It may be called prati which in áilpa¿¡stra is a common designation of the uppermost moulding of the adhiÀ¶h¡na. It supports directly the pilasters and is not cut by any of the niches.
This adhiÀ¶h¡na can be understood as the direct support of the pillars in a wooden construction. The crossed and radiating beams, the extremities of which are seen in the lower moulding, could be the representation of a tight wooden base for a superstructure. This feature can be seen in modern wooden temple cars. The second band or prati can be a representation of a connecting beam passing through the pillars. Because it is continuous, it ensures the fixation of the pillars and the tightness of the building.
South facade, Central niche.
The wall (p¡da) shows a series of small pilasters (ku·yastambha) carved in the body of the massive stones. This is a representation of thin wooden pillars of a hypostyle pavilion, the space between the pillars being filled with some material. The other structures carved between the pilasters are secondary structures, which will be described below. The represented pillar consists of a base, a shaft of square section and an upper part made of three elements, a bulb slightly protruding, a chamfered band and a large abacus, with thin transition mouldings. The middle element and the upper one are much larger than the shaft. They are the most conspicuous elements and may be the kala¿a and ma¸·i or (phalaka) of áilpa¿¡stra.
Between the abacus of the pilaster and the first architrave there seems to be an intermediary system of corbels. We call corbel the protruding element (potik¡ or bodhik¡) which supports an architrave (uttara) and which is the usual intermediary between a pillar and any superstructure in Indian wooden or stone architecture. The corbel does not rest directly on the abacus. In the space between them appears a square element, which has the breadth of the body of the pillar. That may be a representation of the square tenon engaged in the abacus and the corbel, visible in the space between them, and which is of square section to prevent the abacus and corbel to turn. In áilpa¿¡stra it is called v¢raka¸¶ha or (v¢raka¸·a) and is given as the terminal part of the pillar below the potik¡. In the angles of the monument, where orthogonal architraves are crossed, there is a system of crossed orthogonal corbels.
The entablature is the representation of two superposed architraves (uttara). Where there is a representation of an angle, orthogonal architraves are crossed and their crossed extremities are shown. These extremities appear above the corbels, so that we see a series of three corbelling elements above the pilasters. Such a superposition of corbels and architraves is a feature of wooden architecture, which can be still observed in recently built houses in North Karn¡¶aka.
The pair of architraves bears a long, non-curved eave. The angles have a turned up point. Occasionally there are attic windows called n¡sik¡. The eave is topped by one more protruding moulding, which is a kapota after a small recess. It has the shape of a shorter eave with n¡sik¡. This is not a duplication of the previous eave. The role of the kapota is to mark the termination of an architectural element. Here it indicates the termination of the first level of the building. It has also a functional role. The very long eave rests on the architraves in cantilever position and a strong counterweight must be placed above in order to prevent it to topple down.
Architraves, eave and kapota are given in áilpa¿¡stra as one unit called prastara.
The prastara described so far supports, not one superstructure, but a frieze of figured superstructures of reduced sizes.
Each one comprises an adhiÀ¶h¡na similar to that of the wall, i. e. the moulding made of beam extremities and the upper band (prati), then, after a small recess, a dome-shaped roof (¿ikhara). Because of the division and composition of the side into multiple representations of secondary structures, the frieze is made of several types of ¿ikhara. Those placed in the angles are of square plan and called kar¸ak£¶a. Those in the axis are of oblong plan and called madhyakoÀ¶ha or (bhadra¿¡l¡). Those in the intermediary left spaces are square, are still more reduced in size and called paµjara.
With this frieze of ¿ikhara we can consider that the first level (tala) of the monument is completed. It tops not only the first level of the vim¡na, but also the rangama¸·apa and porches, going around the whole monument, in the same way the base and wall do. The vim¡na portion is topped by two more levels, the structure of which is quite similar to the first one. These two upper levels are of diminishing size and less elaborate than the first one. Because of their reduced sizes they look like attics. But we can recognise in their structure the wall (the adhiÀ¶h¡na of which is hidden in the terrace of the lower level behind the frieze of (¿ikhara) with pilasters, the prastara (without the longer eave), the superstructure with its adhiÀ¶h¡na and frieze of ¿ikhara.
We had no possibility to observe the interior of the tower. However, from the observation of the external construction, one can determine the different layers of stone. It is probable that the walls of the tower are made of corbelling stone slabs. We do not know whether there are internal reinforcing built walls, as found in other monuments of the same period and style (Ra¶¶iha½½i, etc.). The height of the two upper talas taken together leaves an inner hollow volume approximately equal to the volume of the garbhag¼ha of the first level. But there is no trace outside that any access to it had ever been provided.
ಕನ್ನಡ ತಣಿಸಲು ತನುಮನ
ಕನ್ನಡ ಬೆರೆಸಿತು ಜನಮನ
ಕನ್ನಡ ನುಡಿ ನೀ ಅನುದಿನ
ಕನ್ನಡ ತರಲಿದೆ ಸುದಿನ
ಕನ್ನಡಕಿರಲಿ ನಿನ್ನಯ ನಮನ
ನಾನ್ ಕಲ್ತಿದ್ ಕೋಟಿ ಭಾಶೆ, ಆದ್ರೆ ನಾ ಹಾಡೋದ್ ಒಂದೆ ಭಾಶೆ.. ಕನ್ನಡ…!! ಕನ್ನಡ..!!
ಕರ್ನಾಟಕವೆಂದರೇನು? ಹೆಸರೇ ಬರಿಯ ಮಣ್ಣಿಗೆ?
ಮಂತ್ರ ಕಣಾ, ಶಕ್ತಿ ಕಣಾ, ತಾಯಿ ಕಣಾ, ದೇವಿ ಕಣಾ,
ಬೆಂಕಿ ಕಣಾ, ಸಿಡಿಲು ಕಣಾ, . . .
ಸಿರಿಗನ್ನಡಂ ಗಲ್ಗೆ ಸಿರಿಗನ್ನಡಂ ಬಾಳ್ಗೆ
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ಸ್ನೆಹದ ಸುಧೆಯನು ಸಧಾ ಸುರಿಸುತಿರಬೇಕು…
ನೋಟದ ಹಸಿ ನುಣುಪದು ಮನ ನಾಟಬೇಕು…
ಈ ಎಲ್ಲದರ ಒಡೆಯ ನಾನಾಗಬೇಕು…!!
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- Mahithi Hakku
- matagalu, Math
- Muttukrishnan on KGP, Nudi and KAGAPA
- Mysore Dasara
- N R I Kannadigas
- Nanjundappa Report
- nisarga – parisara premigala maasika patrike
- Oggattinalli balavide Kannadigare
- ORKUT Kannada
- Pavanaja on NUDI, Baraha and KGP
- Primary Healthcare Centers – PHC's
- Project Shiksha and Microsoft
- RCILTS Kannada
- RTI Act – Mahithi Hakku
- RULERS of MYSORE /Karnataka
- SAMPADA KANNADA
- SAMPIGE Srinivas
- Sarojini Mahishi Report
- Sathyanaryana on NUDI, BARAHA and KGP
- Schools in Karnataka State
- Sheshadri Vasu
- Short Stories by Kannadigas
- Spoken Kannada
- Suvarana Karnataka
- Temples of Karnataka
- Wikipedia Kannada
- WRITERS in KANNADA
- Yahoo Kannada